LOOKING at the scenes of rage, anger, violence and, ultimately, blood, one must wonder at reasons causing the events that led to several stages of violence. They not only drew blood and fire but gutted a lot of the already fragile structures of a weak state.
Ironically, what began as a protest against a High Court decision on the quota system for entry into the most coveted jobs in the country, it turned into violent confrontation with the very state system most protesters wanted to serve.
It is also alarming how a set of misunderstandings kept on triggering one stage after another till everything was gulped by violence of many varieties and forces. Nothing was more symbolic than the week that just passed to display what Bangladesh has become.
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Series of misheard quotes, misunderstandings
THE quota movement鈥檚 latest phases were triggered by a High Court decision which will be famous for its bad timing, if not anything else. It stated that the government did not have the legal authority to end the quota by an executive order; so, it was technically restored.
As expected, the students began to protests assuming this to be a new strategy by the government. The protests became increasingly vociferous which was natural. The government explained that the High Court had said that it had the right to reform the quota and it was appealing to the higher level, but all that fell on deaf ears. By then, social media statements, memes, etc had taken over the public mood.
A few wanted to hear, let alone understand, what was going on and no one had much confidence in the government鈥檚 intent or, perhaps, even the capacity of the higher judicial institutions. It also showed that calm heads had departed from public spaces and the new mood run by instigating comments from all sides. And, once the fire was lit in the digital space, it spread to the real world waiting to burn.
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Razakar round: the PM
IF THERE was any unfortunate episode in the entire theatre, it was the 鈥榬azakar鈥� controversy. It was a glaring example of how misunderstandings breed and multiplies in a social media-driven culture. And, there is complete lack of communication all around.
The prime minister was asked at a press conference about the quota for the freedom fighters and their children and grandchildren and the prime minister retorted, 鈥楽hould there be quotas for the children and grandchildren of razakars then?鈥� This was an angry, emotional outburst and not a reasonably constructed response. When the media reported it as a headline, it burst into flames all over.
It was not a response which could be described as calm and, thus, became open to misinterpretation which did happen. As the prime minister, she should have been a lot less reactive to such questions as the obvious fallout has showed.
But the prime minister had never called the protesting students 鈥榬azakars鈥�. She was comparing quota for freedom fighters and razakars. She or the Prime Minister鈥檚 Office could have clarified this. However, by the time the news reached the campus and social media, it was read with equally emotional minds.
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Razakars
THE students responded immediately with the usual outrage that young people always do, as expected. They chanted slogans at night saying, 鈥榃e are all razakars. Who has said this? The government, the government.鈥�
And this is the point. At no time did the students call themselves razakars or declare loyalty to the cause of the razakars. They had misunderstood the prime minister鈥檚 remark, felt hurt and responded with a basically taunting and misplaced chant which was provocative, too. But, they did not declare themselves as pro-razakars just as the prime minister had not called them razakars. However, everyone picked the taunts up and the rest is known.
Till this point, the situation was tense but not serious on both social media and the streets. However, two provocations arrived soon after which changed the scene for the worse. Several persons, including an eminent academic from SUST, posted that he would be ashamed to go to his alma mater Dhaka University as he would not know which student was a 鈥榬azakar鈥� or who was not.
This statement was emotional, too, and wrong as well because it was based on a misheard quote and not facts. And the social media fire was lit large as hate and angry posts began mounting.
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Chatra League, students and media
THE comment made by a senior Awami League leader that the Chatra League would take care of the razakars was perhaps the most destructive yet as the Chhatra League went on a physical counter-attack. By then, the students had gone beyond conventional militant protests to confrontations, including brandishing sticks, vandalising and stone-pelting. And, the police responded as they are wont to as paid media 鈥� television, in particular 鈥� focused on the violence, the price and stake of social media click-baiting was obvious.
The violence on the screen was good for views and the numbers climbed. One journalist was reportedly sacked after he had heard requesting the police to fire into the protesting students for gathering quality footage. While this may sound horrific, is this not how social media-derived 鈥榤ainstream鈥� media behave? It is not about quality but views and 90 per cent of the audience loves this, too. This is us.
However, what may have come as a shock to the ruling party was the ferocity with which the Chatro League activists were resisted, overwhelmed an,d then, expelled from the halls of residence. The videos of ransacked rooms, public humiliation of Chhatra League leaders and the rest should now make it clear to the powers that be that this is a hugely unpopular group on the campus and outside and does not forward any cause of the ruling cluster. But, the next round waits unfortunately.
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The aftermath
By the time general students began to calm down, the opposition political activists began to move in with their agenda of toppling the ruling regime. It was circulated that the military would move in soon and the armed vehicles that moved in were described on social media as a beginning. Some even commented on the social media to prevent the prime minister from fleeing the country.
Soon, this was followed by the deployment of the military along with the the police, border guards, Rapid Action Battalion personnel and the rest to control the violence by the government. By this time, general students declared that they were no longer part of the street protests, making it obvious that the political opposition had taken over with instances of the torching of public buildings followed by the arrest of many of their leaders.
In a battle of forces, the stronger force prevails as events show. After a spell of curfew and off-work mid-week days along with police action, things have begun to calm down. The entire episode could have been avoided/minimised if only people concerned had bothered to explain their remarks and listen to counter-remarks including on social media.
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Loss or gain?
A NEW quota system of 7 per cent has been recommended by the Appellate Division, replacing the older 56 per cent, but the total number of jobs remains the same. Thus, the root cause of the crisis, graduate middle-class employment remains unresolved and the state looks as fragile and idiosyncratic as before. And the social media has showed that it holds sway over much and many than most other forces.
However, the official gun-bearers also must be held accountable. A judicial commission is imperative to clear the air of the smoke and hostility as they belong to the state and have gained public resentment. But, more events of this sort may well follow as causes that ignited the flames wait in the wings.
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Afsan Chowdhury is a researcher and journalist.
