THE entire law enforcement apparatus in Bangladesh is broken, and it is plain for everyone to see. Over the past twenty years, law enforcement has become riddled with corruption, brutality, and political manipulation. The revolutionary protests over the past few weeks, where citizens young and old took to the streets demanding change, were not just about one isolated incident. They were the result of years of frustration with a police force that has lost its way.
The situation is dire. After the Awami League regime was toppled, officers from every strata of the police organisation abandoned their posts. Many police officers are now afraid to return to work, and it is easy to understand why. There is a real fear among them that they could become victims of retaliatory violence. In recent days, police stations have been set on fire, and officers have been brutally killed 鈥� a frightening sign of the anger that years of oppressive and inhumane practices have ignited among the population. The Bangladesh Police have been implicated in a long list of abuses, from maintaining torture cells and arbitrarily detaining individuals to enforced disappearances. The extent of their wrongdoing is both extensive and disturbing. But what can be done to restore law and order in a nation mired in lawlessness, where citizens are having to protect themselves from extortion, robberies, nighttime burglaries, and even sex offences?
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Global police oversight mechanisms听
THE New York Police Department provides a powerful example of how to confront and curb systemic corruption within a police force. In the 1970s, the NYPD was engulfed in one of the largest corruption scandals in its history, brought to light by the brave actions of officer Frank Serpico whose revelations exposed deep-seated corruption in the force. This led to the formation of the Knapp Commission in 1970, which was tasked with investigating and addressing these issues. The commission uncovered shocking levels of corruption, with officers involved in everything from bribery to participation in criminal activities. These findings led to reforms, and in the 1990s, the NYPD underwent even more significant changes.
The turning point came with the appointment of a new police commissioner, William Bratton, who implemented the CompStat programme. This management system used data to track crime trends and hold precinct commanders accountable for their performance. The Internal Affairs Bureau was also strengthened to rigorously investigate police misconduct. These reforms helped to restore some level of public trust.
The United Kingdom鈥檚 journey towards establishing effective police oversight has been long and complicated. In the 1970s and 1980s, scandals involving police corruption and misconduct鈥攕uch as the wrongful convictions of the Birmingham Six and the Guildford Four鈥攕hattered public confidence. In response, the UK government introduced several oversight bodies, including the Police Complaints Authority in 1985. However, the PCA was criticised for being ineffective, mainly because it was not fully independent and lacked the necessary powers to hold officers accountable.
In 2004, the Independent Police Complaints Commission was established to replace the PCA, offering greater independence and broader investigative powers. Yet, criticisms persisted, particularly regarding the IPCC鈥檚 inability to secure convictions against officers involved in serious misconduct. This led to the creation of the now-operational Independent Office for Police Conduct in 2018, designed to be more transparent and effective. The IOPC has been more successful in conducting high-profile investigations and improving public confidence.
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Recommendations for Bangladesh
THE experiences of the NYPD and the UK鈥檚 IOPC offer valuable lessons for Bangladesh as it prepares to reform its police force. The country鈥檚 unique context requires a tailored approach that considers the political landscape, history of police misconduct, and societal needs.
Securing the securers: Ensuring the safety of police officers during this initial period is paramount. To restore the rule of law, it may be necessary to maintain the presence of the armed forces on the streets until the police can re-establish themselves and regain the trust of the community. This will involve giving staff assurances that they will not be attacked by members of the public, regardless of past grievances. Such support will allow for a more stable environment in which the police can focus on rebuilding, reforming, and looking inward. Meanwhile, efforts should be made to repair and restore the destroyed police stations as quickly as possible. Where this is not feasible, temporary stations should be set up to ensure that law enforcement services continue uninterrupted. This dual approach 鈥� protecting officers while simultaneously rebuilding infrastructure 鈥� will be essential in stabilising the situation and creating the conditions necessary for effective police reform.
Establish an independent oversight body: The government must establish an independent and autonomous police oversight body, similar to the UK鈥檚 IOPC or the NYPD鈥檚 Internal Affairs Bureau. This body should be empowered to investigate all allegations of police misconduct, including corruption, brutality, and human rights abuses. It must be truly independent, free from political influence, and have the authority to take disciplinary action, including recommending prosecutions. Making examples of bad actors is a proven example of ensuring accountability and systemic change. Whistle-blower protection should be on top of the organisation鈥檚 priorities.
Emphasise transparency and public engagement: Transparency is crucial for restoring public trust in the police. The oversight body should regularly publish reports on its findings and the actions taken in response to misconduct. Public hearings, similar to those conducted by the Knapp Commission, could also be held to expose systemic issues and allow citizens to voice their concerns.
Implement data-driven accountability: Learning from the NYPD鈥檚 CompStat programme, Bangladesh could develop a similar system to monitor police performance and hold officers and precincts accountable. This system should track not only crime statistics but also complaints against officers, incidents of misconduct, and the outcomes of investigations. Regular audits and assessments would ensure that the system is working effectively and fairly.
Strengthen community policing: One of the key failures of the Bangladesh Police has been its inability to foster positive relationships with the communities it serves. Community policing, which has been successful in many parts of the world, should be prioritised. This approach involves building trust and cooperation between the police and the public, with officers working closely with community members to address their concerns and prevent crime. Training in de-escalation, cultural competence, and communication should be mandatory for all officers.
Depoliticise the police: The influence of political parties on the police force in Bangladesh has been a significant factor in the corruption and misconduct that have plagued the institution. To address this, police appointments and promotions must be based on merit rather than political loyalty. An independent body should oversee the recruitment and promotion processes to ensure they are fair and transparent, and part of the process should be to weed out existing members who show their loyalty to political allegiances rather than to the badge.
Introduce international standards and best practices: Bangladesh should look beyond its borders for successful examples of police reform. Countries like Norway and New Zealand have implemented police oversight models that emphasise human rights, accountability, and community engagement. Adopting international standards, such as those set by the United Nations and the International Association of Chiefs of Police, can help guide reforms and ensure that Bangladesh鈥檚 police force aligns with global best practices.
Invest in training and professional development: Reforming the police is not just about accountability but also about improving the professionalism and capabilities of officers. Continuous training in ethics, human rights, and community engagement should be provided. Engage civil society and arrange for training and workshops where police staff can learn further. Creating avenues for officers to pursue higher education and specialised training can help cultivate a more competent and ethical police force.
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Conclusion
BANGLADESH stands at a critical juncture. The choices made today will determine whether the nation can build a policing system that upholds justice, integrity, and the rule of law 鈥� or whether it will continue to be plagued by the same issues that have brought it to the brink. The lessons from beyond the country鈥檚 borders demonstrate that police reform is possible but requires commitment, transparency, and a willingness to confront difficult truths.
The time for action is now. By ensuring the safety of officers, establishing an independent oversight body, depoliticising the force, and embracing community policing practices, the government can begin the long process of restoring public trust and ensuring that its police force is one that the nation can be proud of and everyone can get behind.
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Dr Mehzeb Chowdhury is an inventor, instructor, criminalistics expert and criminal law barrister. He has worked with over 50 police forces worldwide and is now an assistant professor in criminology and criminal justice at Northumbria University, UK.
