IN THE history of Bangladesh, the interests of political parties have rarely aligned with national interests. This misalignment, exacerbated by the dominance of political parties, has resulted in a severe lack of strong and credible institutions that could support fairer political practices. The public鈥檚 victory is still uncertain, given that no concrete steps have been taken to address historical injustices. Building robust institutions and establishing best practices is a lengthy process that spans decades. Therefore, even though this moment in Bangladesh鈥檚 history may seem promising, it is important to proceed with caution. The question remains: can the government effectively govern itself? In Bangladesh, the answer appears to be no. While there is considerable engagement, enthusiasm and focus on meaningful issues, the absence of a clear political direction could push the country backward, particularly if it must rely on the same old leadership.
Political parties in Bangladesh have failed to develop strong internal, democratic structures. A key issue is that their activities often depend on outdated, leader-centric politics, which are centred on a single figure. Such cult-like behaviour, where loyalty to an individual supersedes loyalty to the state, is merely performative, yet it has become normalised in Bangladeshi politics.
The lack of robust political institutions in the country stems from a state apparatus that serves the ruling party rather than the people. This issue is deeply rooted in the nation鈥檚 political culture, making it a challenging situation to change. People do not want to replace one authoritarian regime with another. True liberation can only be achieved when Bangladeshis are able to reach their full potential, minorities do not require special protection, and individuals can freely express their opinions without fear of reprisal 鈥� conditions that have yet to be realised.
In a genuinely democratic and fair Bangladesh, citizens should be able to support any social or political party, endorse any brand, and advocate for their beliefs without facing negative consequences. The political division and polarisation in the country are not based on substantial policy differences between the opposing parties. Regardless of which party is in power, each has drained the state鈥檚 resources to fulfil the ambitions of its top leaders and party goals, often at the expense of national interests. Both sides have repeatedly violated their own laws without remorse, deflecting blame onto the opposition or shadowy third-party actors for any failures or unrest.
Students fought for equality and justice, and celebrating looting or using misogynistic language undermines the solid ethical foundation of the student movement. During the previous government鈥檚 rule, there were numerous unproven allegations that the movement had been taken over by the opposition and 鈥渕iscreants.鈥� However, there is now a greater risk of distorting the movement鈥檚 goals and rhetoric after achieving a concrete political outcome.听
Public displays of disdain are not beneficial and do not foster an environment where democracy can thrive. To achieve good and dependable leadership, we must move away from a culture of belittling, shaming, looting and mob violence. Ultimately, leaders are a reflection of their people, and the relationship works both ways; a dictator cannot exist without support. We need a profound shift in how we envision effective leadership and focus on building institutions that can support good governance. A strong leader is not one who wields power through fear but one who knows how to build institutions, adapt, listen, delegate, empower people to reach their potential, and step back when necessary. The country鈥檚 future could take many paths, but the involvement of students and civil society in establishing a framework for an interim government is a promising sign.
What should we expect from the interim government? The country is currently in disarray, facing major economic and political issues. The interim government needs to focus on building strong institutions, laying the groundwork for a democratic and fair government, and fostering a political culture that encourages good leadership by setting examples of collaboration. It must prepare the nation for effective leadership and address regulations that enable political parties to misuse state resources and employ terror to protect their interests. The primary objectives of the interim leadership should be to establish good governance and ensure efficient public service delivery. While an undesirable government has been removed, this 鈥渘egative peace鈥� does not guarantee that historical injustices will be adequately addressed. Progress will only be achieved if we put in place measures of accountability and build institutions that are fair, transparent, non-partisan, and impartial in carrying out their duties, regardless of which party is in power.
A study examining democratisation in 15 post-conflict societies, including countries like Bosnia, Cambodia, Liberia, and Timor-Leste, found that the structure of interim governments plays a crucial role in shaping the democratisation prospects and processes after a period of conflict or upheaval. Factors such as including conflicting parties and diverse actors in the transitional government, placing institutional checks on the executive, and decentralising power to local levels have led to greater success in democratisation, as power-sharing helps reduce the risk of further conflicts. Delegating power also promotes transparency and accountability and provides more opportunities for civic participation. There has been frequent discussion, both among military and political leaders and movement activists, about the importance of conducting a fair election soon. However, the assumption of a fair election requires credible processes, institutions, options, and sufficient state capacity to carry out and sustain it. Rushing into elections could result in outcomes dominated by non-democratic actors and those seeking power unfairly. Elections are the final goal of the interim government; therefore, significant effort must be devoted to ensuring this major task is executed successfully, as it will determine the success of this transitional period.
Bangladeshis do not want to see power merely shift from one corrupt regime to another; therefore, the choices available to voters at the ballot box are crucial. The options should not be restricted to simply choosing the lesser of two evils. As a leader of the anti-discrimination student movement aptly puts it, the movement opposes the entire system of oppression, not just a single oppressor. The purpose of a democratic election is undermined if it results in the election of an undemocratic leader.
Governments should engage with the opposition and the public to collaboratively develop laws, regulations, and national strategies that align with the country鈥檚 interests. Establishing practices that encourage finding common ground and collective participation should be built into institutional mechanisms and decision-making processes. There should be opportunities for civic engagement and room for compassionate and intelligent leadership so that leaders can respond effectively to the public, ensuring that taking to the streets isn鈥檛 the only way to drive change. While Bangladesh has a history of active student movements, this has not yet resulted in a vibrant democracy. The interim government, along with continuous efforts from students, will be crucial in shaping the foundation for a functional democracy in this post-conflict period.
The structure of the transitional government often shapes what follows. A key political challenge for the interim government will be managing opposition and retaliatory forces, as well as avoiding episodes of unrest that could hinder the establishment of a successful democracy. The goal of the anti-discrimination movement is to move away from the remnants of previous regimes and build an independent nation where public dignity is respected and people鈥檚 potential is realized. This transitional period will be crucial in creating a legitimate, viable, and fair succession to ensure that the undemocratic practices that have been normalised in our political history are never repeated. Bangladeshis need institutions they can trust, a system that serves the people and a government that can effectively and democratically govern.
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Md Habibul Haque is lecturer in English at ZH Sikder University of Science and Technology.
