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THE success of a mass uprising depends on the indomitable courage and steadfastness of its revolutionary soldiers. Just as a successful uprising requires fearless individuals, it also needs a universal cause that resonates deeply within every member of the movement. Achieving success in a mass uprising under the leadership of a single person is challenging because no one is beyond mistakes. When revolutionary soldiers are aware of their leader’s flaws, it can undermine their enthusiasm and dedication. In this context, one might ask — who led the July mass uprising? The leadership of this uprising was not in the hands of a single individual; rather, it was an entire generation of today’s youth. The driving force behind the July mass uprising was a generation whose dreams were shaped by those born between 1996 and 2012. This generation, known as Digital Natives or Gen Z, now has its eldest members on the cusp of 28 years. Alongside them were some younger Millennials, who carried within them the fierce flame of passion. Clearly, the senior members of the Digital Natives and the younger members of the Millennials played a crucial role in leading the July uprising.

The students initiated this revolution and successfully made their demands universal. Their compelling programmes, heartfelt slogans, and straightforward presentations easily captivated the general public. As a result, the movement deeply resonated with the hearts of ordinary people across the country, even inspiring expatriate workers to take to the streets in support. Notably, some expatriate workers in Dubai faced jail and fines for supporting the July mass uprising but did not stay silent. Thus, the student-led Jmass uprising evolved into a great people’s movement, where the pulse of all the oppressed hearts united. In this 36-day struggle, the revolutionaries redefined the month of July, transforming it into a 36-day epic. However, the groundwork for this uprising was laid long before, through the 2013 and 2018 quota reform movements, the 2015 anti-VAT student movement, and the 2018 road safety movement. These four struggles collectively set the stage for the epic that is now known as the July Uprising 2024.

The 2013 quota reform movement in Bangladesh was led entirely by the millennial generation, as at that time, the youngest members of the Latchkey Generation (Generation X) were 33 years old, and the oldest members of Generation Z were 17 years old. Given that the age limit for government jobs in Bangladesh is 30 years and university students are typically 18 years old at the time of admission, it is logical that the 2013 movement was a Millennial-driven initiative. The 2013 quota reform movement was a significant protest against the government’s employment policies. An analysis of the results of five BCS exams from 2006 to 2013 shows that most appointments were based on quotas. The quota system left many positions vacant, as seen in the 32nd special BCS exam, where the PSC had to leave 1,125 positions unfilled due to quota shortfalls. On July 13, 2013, a Prothom Alo report highlighted the diminishing value of merit through statistics. The report mentioned that over the past eight years, the PSC recommended 3,179 candidates for 15 general cadre positions, of which 1,493 were based on merit and 1,686 were from quotas. This shrinking opportunity for meritorious students was deeply disappointing. In 2013, the Millennials formed a 10-member committee called the ‘Medha Mullayon Moncho’ with Dhaka University student Abdur Rahim as the convener to lead the anti-quota movement. On July 11, students staged a blockade at the Dhaka University campus and Shahbagh, demanding quota reform. The police responded with tear gas, leading to a two-hour-long clash. Enraged students set fire to large sculptures from the Faculty of Fine Arts and vandalised several vehicles. Following the violent incidents, Shahbagh police filed three cases against 2,200 unnamed students, and Dhaka University authorities filed a case against 500 students for vandalism on campus. On July 18, 2013, the now deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina expressed her frustration with the student movement, stating, ‘The government will ensure that those who vandalised property in protest against the quota system will never receive government jobs.’ This sharp remark from the state’s authority effectively ended the Millennials’ rightful movement. However, while the movement failed to achieve its goal, it laid the foundation for a new spontaneous movement among students across the country in the pursuit of justice.

In 2015, a VAT protest occurred in Bangladesh, primarily led by students from private universities. Alongside Millennial students from private universities, some senior members of Generation Z also joined the protest. In 2010, the government had attempted to impose an indirect tax on private higher education, but it was withdrawn due to student protests. Five years later, in the proposed budget for the fiscal year 2015-16, the the finance minister announced plans to impose a 7.5 per cent VAT on private university higher education. According to 2015 statistics, there were 34 public universities, 85 private universities, and 64 private medical colleges in Bangladesh, with about 450,000 students enrolled across these institutions, according to the University Grants Commission. Despite being private institutions, many students from middle- and lower-income families study here, often covering their education costs through private tutoring or part-time jobs. The proposed VAT was seen as likely to constrict the affordability of higher education for private university students. Already facing financial pressure, the imposition of this VAT would significantly increase the burden on these students. On June 22, under the banner of the Private Education Rights Movement, students held a human chain in front of the National Press Club and later organised a procession. That day, private university students marched towards the ministry of finance to support their demands and call for the withdrawal of the VAT. However, law enforcement dispersed their procession. Later, a student delegation met with the president and submitted a memorandum requesting the VAT’s withdrawal. On September 9, 2015, East West University students faced severe police resistance while holding a VAT protest, with police firing blank shots that injured around 23 students. On September 10, as the VAT protest intensified, the aggressive actions of the Bangladesh Chhatra League, the student wing of the Awami League, further complicated the situation. In response to the students’ protests, the government decided to withdraw the 7.5 per cent VAT imposed on private universities, medical colleges, and engineering colleges for the current fiscal year. This decision was finalised in a cabinet meeting chaired by the former prime minister Sheikh Hasina on September 14, 2015. The 2015 VAT protest in Bangladesh demonstrated that when unjust pressures are imposed, the student community is the first to protest, and through their struggle, justice is established in society. This movement was not only against the VAT on education but also served as a symbol of the struggle for education, equality, and social justice.

The failure of the 2013 quota reform movement led to growing resentment among students. Five years later, this discontent resurfaced in the 2018 quota reform movement. On February 17, 2018, the ‘Bangladesh Chhatro Odhikar Songrokkhon Parishod’ was formed in front of the Shahbagh Public Library to demand reforms in the quota system. Under this banner, the movement spread across the country and became a vital demand for general students. Both Millennials and Generation Z were equally represented in this movement. When these two generations presented their five demands, they echoed a desire for a just society. In April 8-10, their demands grew stronger on the streets. On these days, the Bangladesh General Student Rights Protection Council held sit-ins and blockades at various university campuses across the country, pressuring the government for quota reform. Ultimately, on April 11, the prime minister announced the complete abolition of the quota system in the National Parliament. Another significant student movement in Bangladesh in 2018 was the youth movement for road safety which created widespread impact. This movement saw substantial participation from not only university students but also a large number of school and college students. As a result, Generation Z members outnumbered Millennials in this movement. The safe road movement emerged as a symbol of social change and had a profound impact on the country’s political and social structure through road protests.

These four student uprisings can be likened to the currents of distinct rivers, with each successive wave flowing into and shaping the next. The fundamental aim of these movements was to challenge the arbitrariness of the state. The influence of each movement was discernible in the subsequent movements, collectively contributing to the making of the July mass uprising. Although different generations participated in these movements at various times, the common adversary was the state. The head of the state in each movement was the same person, who had become autocratic after a long tenure at the top. The state leaders were from the Baby Boomers generation, failing to grasp the pulse of Generation Z. Instead, they dismissed this new generation as the ‘TikTok generation,’ indicating a lack of governmental insight. The students’ just movements were suppressed through brutal measures, including lawsuits, assaults, and the loss of nearly seven hundred students’ lives. Ultimately, the student-led mass uprising forced the brutally autocratic prime minister to resign and flee the country. On August 8, a new interim government was formed that included two leaders of the student movement and was all set to walk the path of realising their dreams of state reform.

The July mass uprising was not just a victory for one generation but a collective resistance of all marginalised and oppressed hearts against the state’s autocratic rule. Led by Generation Z, this uprising will not be confined to the pages of history but marks the beginning of a new era where the youth are prepared to fight fearlessly for their rights and freedom. This generation has sown the seeds of dreams, aiming to break old injustices and establish themselves in the light of a new day. This chapter in history will stand as a testament to the rise of a new Bangladesh.

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Dr Ileas Pramanik is an associate professor of computer science and engineering at Begum Rokeya University, Rangpur.