EVER since the liberation war, we have accrued so many Gordian knot in body politic that not only one but multiple strikes from an imagined Alexander can free us of such a chokehold. Our social-political divides are so divisive, toxic, and dirty that I wonder if we belong to the same nation. We have spilled blood frequently hoping for a better future; it kept eluding us. Once again, we are at a crossroads. After ridding us of a despotic, murderous regime at a very high cost, we have earned a golden opportunity. In order to avoid squandering it all over again, we need to identify the vital issues that confront us and act accordingly.
National unity: There are three main currents in socio-political arena. One adheres to Bengali nationalism, the other to Bangladeshi nationalism and the third wants kind of an Islamic state ie, a theocracy. Just like a broad river, one current at times grows weak but never vanishes. Each has inherent contradictions within but that will not stop any from reach each other鈥檚 throat if chance permits. But if any of the contending groups are not engaged in a national dialogue, a durable peace and political stability will be difficult. Moreover, if national elections are held without creating a minimum understanding among opposing groups, the prospect of the country descending into a bad scenario cannot be ruled out. Such a frightening prospect makes it imperative to find a broad consensus among stakeholders.
National security: We have three major concerns. As India and China are close-door neighbours and largest trading partners, we can neither want nor afford to have anything other than friendly relationship. But this feeling must be reciprocal, which has become a stumbling block now with India. Dealing with such a crucial/sensitive matter is a key issue related to national security. The third, and no less vital, is our relationship with the United States. It is our largest export market but could also become a serious threat to national security. For the past few years, it has been pressing Bangladesh to join the anti-China coalition that it has been mobilising. We were reluctant so far. What is our policy in this regard? Our continued refusal will make the United States both unhappy and impatient because the Bay of Bengal plays a significant role in its Indo-Pacific Strategy of not only containing China but, if and when necessary, confront it. If we join this alliance, we will not only alienate China but also gradually lose control over much of the bay. Should an interim government decide such a critical matter? Either way, it will have long-term impact on our national security.
Governance: Any government, no matter how temporary or permanent, must govern with authority and effectiveness. The economic life must restart in full gear after several months of upheaval; otherwise, no matter who governs, the country will become ungovernable. This extends to not only the routine administrative work and oversight but also frequent and significant policy decisions, which are also part of governance. This needs a clear sense of direction and focus without which the viability of the government would become questionable. An uncertain duration of the interim cabinet cannot provide that space and confidence. Governing on an ad hoc basis has severe limitation.
Constitutional amendments: Infringing frequently on the constitution for fleeting political gains has turned the constitution into a mess of a document. It needs to be written afresh. It can be done by a fresh constituent assembly or a broad-based constitution commission. It needs a national dialogue 鈥� an arduous task demanding the participation of people and opinions from various sectors and walks of life.
State reforms: The decentralisation of power, the separation of the judiciary from the executive, ensuring accountability, the formation of a national security council and multiple other key sectoral reforms have become absolutely essential. Who will implement such tasks?
Addressing the issues is essential for not only building anew a better future for people. Is an interim government with a hazy time frame and hazier mandate able or should be entrusted to carry out these tasks? It should not. Not so because individual members are not competent enough but more so because it is a Herculean task that demands undivided attention of scores of people from all walks of life. Above all, it is a political task and needs to be treated as such.
A national government is the need of the hour. The present cabinet can be reconstituted by including representatives from all registered political parties, registered trade bodies and civil and military bureaucracies. This extended body will act as a consultative body to the cabinet. The entire cabinet will have the following mandate.
鈥� Provide honest and adequate governance;
鈥� Form a constitution commission. It will need to organise a national dialogue up to union level on a number of issues such as national identity, the form of government and all other related issues and based on guidelines from these dialogues, a constitution will be drafted;
鈥� Bring about the needed state reforms, including the separation of the judiciary.
鈥� Reconstitute the Election Commission.
鈥� Hold national elections so that elected representatives can ratify the draft constitution; and
鈥� Organise a national dialogue as widely as possible and prepare a guideline to address the vital issues related to national security and act upon it.
Patience is of utmost importance and needs to be demonstrated from every corner of both the government and the people at large and above all from the cabinet. It will be a disaster if the differences within such a multi-party government spill over into the body politic and lead to re-polarisation of the acrimonious political culture we are so used to.
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Ali Ahmed Ziauddin is a researcher and activist.
