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DIGITAL platform services in Bangladesh, such as Pathao, Uber and Foodpanda, have revolutionised the transportation and food delivery sectors. These companies have provided new employment opportunities and convenience to urban dwellers. However, their operational models have come under scrutiny for systemic labour violations, which exploit workers under the guise of technological innovation and flexible employment. Adopting a neo-Marxist perspective reveals how these platforms perpetuate class-based exploitation, undermine workers’ rights, and reinforce capitalist hegemony.

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Rise of platform capitalism in Bangladesh

PLATFORM capitalism, characterised by businesses operating as intermediaries to connect service providers and consumers via digital technology, has rapidly expanded in Bangladesh. Companies like Pathao, Uber, and Foodpanda present themselves as enablers of entrepreneurship. They claim to empower workers by offering flexible schedules and access to earnings. However, these claims mask the precarious working conditions and lack of basic labour protections that define their business models. These platforms do not simply enable labour; they commodify it. Workers on these platforms are not traditional employees but independent contractors, a designation that absolves companies of providing benefits such as health insurance, paid leave, and job security. This arrangement allows platform companies to maximise surplus value by shifting operational risks and costs onto workers while retaining control over labour processes through algorithms and performance metrics.

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Case studies of labour violations

ÌýPathao: Exploitation Behind the Local Icon

Pathao, often celebrated as a local success story in the ride-sharing and delivery sectors, is a prime example of exploitative practices. Riders frequently complain about declining earnings due to unilateral changes in payment structures. For instance, base fares have been reduced over time, leaving riders to bear the rising costs of fuel and vehicle maintenance. Additionally, Pathao’s incentive schemes, marketed as ways to boost earnings, are contingent on completing an unreasonable number of rides within strict time frames, leading to overwork and stress. Workers also lack access to grievance redressal mechanisms. Complaints about unfair treatment, arbitrary account suspensions, or deductions are often ignored. This creates a sense of alienation among workers, a hallmark of capitalist labour relations, as described by Marx ages ago. Pathao’s exploitation is further exacerbated by the lack of government regulation, which enables the company to operate with impunity.

Uber: global giant, local exploiter

Uber’s operations in Bangladesh mirror its exploitative practices globally. Drivers are subject to high commission rates, sometimes exceeding 25 per cent of their earnings, leaving them with minimal take-home pay. While benefiting the company, the platform’s dynamic pricing algorithms create uncertainty for drivers, who often struggle to predict their earnings. Moreover, Uber drivers in Bangladesh frequently report harassment and safety concerns, with little support from the company. The absence of insurance or compensation for accidents further highlights the precariousness of their employment. It needs to be mentioned that clients and riders of Uber have faced issues with driver behaviour, and these issues have not been addressed on many occasions due to a lack of internal governance and accountability.

Foodpanda: the gig worker’s plight

Foodpanda, a dominant player in the food delivery sector, has faced backlash from delivery workers over low pay and exploitative working conditions. Riders are often required to work extended hours to meet unrealistic delivery quotas, earning wages that barely cover their daily expenses. During the Covid pandemic, when demand for delivery services surged, Foodpanda did little to protect its workers, many of whom were forced to work without adequate personal protective equipment or health benefits.

The company’s algorithmic management system, which tracks workers in real-time, imposes a form of digital surveillance. Workers are penalised for delays or cancelled orders, often without consideration of external factors such as traffic or weather. This constant monitoring and lack of autonomy reflect what neo-Marxists describe as the ‘digital Taylorism’ of platform capitalism — a modern manifestation of the exploitation inherent in capitalist production. In the current context, digital platforms in Bangladesh exemplify the commodification of labour, the alienation of workers, and the consolidation of capitalist power.

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Commodification of labour

DIGITAL platforms reduce labour to a commodity that can be bought and sold on demand. Workers are treated as interchangeable units, valued only for their ability to generate profit. This commodification strips workers of their individuality and dignity, reducing them to mere cogs in the capitalist machine. Pathao’s riders, Uber’s drivers, and Foodpanda’s delivery personnel are all subjected to this dehumanising process.

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Alienation and precarity

MARX described alienation as the estrangement of workers from the products of their labour, the labour process, their fellow workers, and their own humanity. In the context of digital platforms, workers experience alienation in multiple forms. They have little control over their work conditions, face isolation due to the individualised nature of gig work, and are disconnected from the fruits of their labour, as profits are syphoned off by platform owners.

Precarity is another defining feature of platform work. The lack of stable employment contracts leaves workers vulnerable to income volatility and economic insecurity. Neo-Marxists argue that such precarity is not an accidental byproduct but a deliberate strategy to weaken labour’s bargaining power and maintain capitalist dominance.

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Concentration of capitalist power

DESPITE their rhetoric of decentralisation and empowerment, digital platforms concentrate wealth and power in the hands of a few. The founders and investors of Pathao, Uber, and Foodpanda reap substantial profits while workers struggle to make ends meet. This growing inequality mirrors the structural dynamics of global capitalism, where technological advancements primarily benefit the capitalist class at the expense of labour.

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Towards a just future

ADDRESSING labour violations in Bangladesh’s digital platform sector requires systemic changes. Government intervention is crucial to regulate these platforms, ensuring fair wages, benefits, and worker protections. For instance, mandating minimum wage standards and insurance coverage could mitigate some of the risks faced by platform workers. Additionally, the formation of worker cooperatives or unions could help resist the exploitative practices of platform companies. Public awareness campaigns are also essential to highlight the exploitative nature of gig work and mobilise support for policy reforms. Academics and activists must continue to critique platform capitalism from a Neo-Marxist perspective, exposing its inherent contradictions and advocating for alternative models of economic organisation.

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Conclusion

THE rise of digital platform services in Bangladesh has brought both opportunities and challenges. While companies like Pathao, Uber, and Foodpanda have reshaped the economy, they have done so at the expense of workers, perpetuating exploitation and inequality. From a Neo-Marxist perspective, these platforms exemplify the exploitative dynamics of contemporary capitalism, where labour is commodified, alienation is intensified, and capitalist power is consolidated. To create a more equitable digital economy, it is imperative to challenge the structural injustices of platform capitalism. This requires collective action, robust regulation, and a commitment to reimagining economic systems that prioritise human dignity over profit.

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Rayyan Hassan is executive director, NGO Forum on ADB.