THE relationship between the police and the public has for long been marred by mistrust and conflict, rooted in colonial history and exacerbated by systemic abuse. The events of the student-led uprising in July-August 2024, when excessive police force, mass shooting and enforced disappearances took place, marked a low point in this strained relationship. Healing this deep wound requires a comprehensive understanding of its origin and depth.
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Understanding roots of brutality
THE brutality witnessed in the uprising, when unarmed students were mercilessly shot by law enforcers, raises uncomfortable questions about the conduct of the force. Why did police officers and even Border Guard Bangladesh personnel act with such disregard for human life? While the widespread politicisation of the police force is often cited as the root cause, it only tells part of the story. For 15 years, the police have increasingly acted as enforcers of political agendas rather than as public servants. The chain of command, heavily influenced by political masters, left little room for ethical discretion. Officers may have even viewed their brutality as a career move under the authoritarian regime, when allegiance to power was rewarded.
However, this explanation fails to address fundamental issues of humanity. What about empathy and humility? Did the students not even qualify as humans in the eyes of the people pulling the trigger? These acts demand a deep investigation of the psychological and structural factors at play. Interviews with the perpetrators could shed light on their motivation 鈥� whether they acted out of fear, indoctrination or simply the dehumanising pressure of their work environment. Were they more loyal to their political affiliation than to their roles as law enforcement officers? Or was their brutality a symptom of a toxic organisational culture, marked by poor working condition and immense mental stress? Understanding the dynamics is essential to prevent future atrocities.
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Legacies and power centralisation
BEYOND the immediate action of individuals, structural issues must also be examined. The colonial roots of Bangladesh鈥檚 policing system, grounded in the Police Act 1861, have perpetuated a model of law enforcement designed to control and suppress rather than serve and protect. This paramilitary structure, inherited from the British colonial administration, prioritises obedience to authorities over building trust with the public. While the system has undergone some reforms, its fundamental spirit remains incompatible with the democratic ideals of modern society. At the same time, the legal structure is inadequate to address human rights issues and community engagement.
Compounding this legacy is the trend of increasing the centralisation of power within the police force, particularly over 15 years. Police statistics show a stark imbalance in resource allocation and structural priorities. While the number of constables 鈥� the rank most directly interacting with the public 鈥� increased by 47 per cent from 2009 to 2024, the ranks of senior officers saw a disproportionate growth. The number of subinspectors increased by 117 per cent, additional superintendents of police by 332 per cent and deputy inspectors general by a staggering 491 per cent. This extraordinary expansion of ranking positions, closer to the political core, highlights a trend towards centralisation and politicisation.
This centralisation has not only deepened the distance between the police and the public but also entrenched the force鈥檚 alignment with the political elite, particularly the Awami League leadership. Such a structure fosters distrust, alienates the police from the public and reduces their understanding of societal needs. Ultimately, this disconnect contributed to the events of July 2024, when the police acted less as protectors of people and more as enforcers of an authoritarian regime. The result is a police force perceived as an alien entity, existing in opposition to the public it is meant to serve 鈥� a dynamic that continues to intensify the wound in police-public relations.
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Trust through community policing
HEALING the relationship between the police and the public requires not only systemic reforms but also a cultural shift towards mutual trust and respect. Community policing can serve as a critical tool in this endeavour. The concept, as seen in other countries, transforms police officers into guardians of their communities 鈥� roles rooted in empathy, understanding and service. For this vision to materialise, police officers must develop a deep connection with the communities that they serve while citizens must actively participate in keeping law and order. Article 21(1) of the constitution underscores this mutual responsibility, requiring citizens to observe laws, maintain discipline and protect public property. By embracing this reciprocal relationship, both parties can collaboratively address their shared challenges.
However, the current practice of community policing remains inadequate, often existing only on paper or hijacked by the local elite who fail to represent the broader community. To counter this, integrity and honesty must guide the formation of community policing bodies. Genuine representatives of the community 鈥� respected, impartial individuals 鈥� should lead such initiatives, fostering trust at the grass roots. This bottom-up approach can organically create a system of checks and balances where communities and police collaborate to prevent the misuse of power. Decentralising police services through empowered community policing can act as a counterbalance to the harmful centralisation trends of the past, ensuring that law enforcement reflects the needs and values of the people it serves.
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Reforms for sustainable accountability
WHILE community policing lays the groundwork for decentralisation, institutional mechanism is essential for ensuring robust oversight and accountability. Updating laws to reflect modern societal needs while retaining effective provisions from existing frameworks is a critical first step. The feasibility of establishing a separate commission for police services also warrants careful consideration. Such a commission must be designed to enable comprehensive scrutiny of its decisions from multiple perspectives. Additionally, the appointment process for commission members must be transparent and subject to a thorough examination to ensure fairness and impartiality. Furthermore, the police commission can be held accountable through other constitutional or statutory institutions, such as the Human Rights Commission and the Anti-Corruption Commission, to establish a comprehensive system of checks and balances.
Decentralisation should also extend to the commission, with regional sub-commissions overseeing local policing affairs to address unique community needs effectively. Independent oversight mechanism such as a citizen oversight body can further enhance accountability by questioning decisions and ensuring transparency. The media, too, have a vital role in holding law enforcement accountable provided they act responsibly and avoid sensationalism. Additionally, rigorous research on policing practices, both domestic and international, can identify systemic loopholes and suggest ways to enhance efficiency and accountability. Access to comprehensive and reliable data across sectors is crucial for such research. By promoting transparency, fostering community involvement, and institutionalising oversight, Bangladesh can create a police force that is both effective and trusted 鈥� an essential foundation for national healing and progress.
The current reform commission has outlined short-, medium- and long-term recommendations aimed at making the police more accountable, trustworthy and accessible to the public. The recommendations emphasise rights protection, the reform of the use of force policy, increased accountability, legal framework reforms, capacity building through training, anti-corruption measures, police welfare and enhanced community engagement. The commission has incorporated public opinion surveys, consultations with stakeholders, and relevant documents in shaping these proposals. However, due to time constraints and other limitations, some aspects cannot be thoroughly examined.
The relationship between the police and the public has been deeply scarred and this rift reached its peak during the mass uprising in July-August. Healing this wound is not an overnight task. It is a long-term and continuous process that requires sustained efforts. Healing begins with the acknowledgment of one鈥檚 wrongdoings and offering sincere apologies. Important police leaders, including the inspector general of police and the Dhaka Metropolitan Police commissioner, have already taken this step with public apologies. The police reform commission has further facilitated dialogues with victims of police brutality, families affected by enforced disappearances and those impacted by the 2024 violence, offering them a platform to voice their grief and expectations. However, apologies alone are not enough.
No reform will succeed without identifying and holding accountable the people responsible for the mass shooting of unarmed students during the uprising and addressing past abuses under the fascist regime, including enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings and corruption. Justice is essential to rebuild public trust in the police and prevent the recurrence of such atrocities. Recent instances of unexplained police aggression further emphasise the need for swift judicial proceedings to hold officers and their commanders accountable.
Superficial changes, like altering uniforms, are meaningless without substantive action. Policy-makers and police leaders must demonstrate genuine commitment to justice and reforms. Strong political will and accountability are vital to implementing the commission鈥檚 recommendations, which aim at establishing a citizen-centric, efficient and impartial police force. With these reforms, we can create a law enforcement system rooted in justice, trust, and respect 鈥� one that genuinely serves people.
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Md Zarif Rahman is working as a member of and student representative to the police reform commission.
