¶¶Òõ¾«Æ·

INDIGENOUS peoples are identified in international forums, including the United Nations, as first nations, hunter-gatherers, or hill tribes. These peoples usually live in mountainous or rural areas somewhat isolated from the mainland, which reflects the distinctive characteristics of their social, cultural, and economic lifestyles. They often follow a socioeconomic, political, and cultural lifeway that is distinct from that of the ‘majority’ population. According to the International Labour Organisation, indigenous peoples are characterised by their connection to the historical lands of their ancestors, their own language and culture, and traditional social, economic, and political structures. They are usually determined to preserve their distinctiveness. Simply put, indigenous peoples are peoples who are closely associated with their lands, traditions, and cultures and are conscious of preserving their ancestral identity, maintaining also the national rules and norms of the state within which they live for years. Indigenous identity and traditions are invaluable knowledge sources.

In an effort to ensure the rights of indigenous people, the International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples has been celebrated worldwide on August 9 every year since 1994. Although the identity ‘indigenous’ has not been officially adopted and recognised, Bangladesh also celebrates Indigenous Peoples’ Day unofficially. However, the definitions and recognition of indigenous peoples vary around the world. For example, in Australia, America, and India, there are differences in the definition of indigenous peoples. In some countries, they are recognised according to their cultural and historical identity, while in others the term is used more broadly. There is no specific definition or recognition of the term/identity indigenous in Bangladesh, but there are policies on the rights of indigenous peoples at the international level.

The term ‘adivasi’ (indigenous) has been used in Bangladesh for a long time — back to the precolonial period. The use of this word in the names of institutions such as Paharpur Adivasi High School, established in 1944, or Maheshpur Adivasi High School, is proof of this. But the understanding of indigenous peoples was vague among the Bengali population of the country for a long time. In the case of the indigenous peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, for example, the ‘Chakma’ identity has become dominant, although many ethnic groups besides the Chakmas live there. Another reason for vague perception about hill people is that the CHT was not, in terms of colonial administration, directly connected to the region that geographically constitutes present-day Bangladesh. It was only in 1947, during the partition, that it became part of Pakistan. With the collapse of British colonialism, as the borders were being negotiated between different political stakeholders, the British administrators annexed the Chittagong Hill Tracts to Pakistan. Before that, this hilly region was a special part of the British Empire.

The first Constitution of Bangladesh, drafted in 1972, did not recognise the ethnic identities of communities living in the CHT. Manabendra Narayan Larma, a member of parliament from the CHT, demanded constitutional recognition of their very identity. However, this demand was ignored, leading to increasing unrest in the CHT.ÌýIn 1997, a historic step was taken to resolve it through an agreement popularly known as the peace treaty. The agreement recognised this region as a ‘Tribal Populated Region.’ After the agreement, the regional council was formed with an indigenous person as the chairman. Santu Larma has been serving as the chairman of this commission with the status of state minister since 1998. In addition, there is a development board for the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Earlier, Hill District Councils were formed in the three hill districts (1989), where the appointment of indigenous persons as the chairmen was mandatory. Special recognition or regional identity does not make a region an independent state. It only shows respect for their special needs and rights in the light of historical reality. The reason for these institutional provisions is to recognise the region’s historical particularity. It is noteworthy that the British-made manual of 1900 recognised this hill region as an ‘Excluded Area’ in view of its historical reality. The Pakistani government also retained it in 1956. Importantly, the CHT did not become separate or independent because of such recognition. Special recognition or regional recognition does not give any region an independent or separate state. Such special status for places inhabited by indigenous populations in the world does not mean independence or demand for separate states.

There has been misunderstanding and confusion over the use of the term indigenous for various reasons. For example, some Bengalis living in the CHT claim to be ‘indigenous Bengalis’ (Adivasi Bangali) — who settled in the region earlier — before the independence of Bangladesh. This is actually misleading, because Bengalis are not indigenous — they don’t need to be so. This recognition is needed not to claim more rights than indigenous peoples, but to protect their cultural and traditional identity. In a democratic country like Bangladesh, all citizens are equal — majority, minority, Muslim, or Hindu.

Even if a particular area is identified as indigenous based on earliest settlement, then the indigenous people of the plains (such as the Santals or the Mundas) or the hill people of the CHT (such as the Chakmas, the Marmas and the Mros) should be considered as indigenous natives. Because looking back, for instance, it can be seen that according to the first census of this region conducted during the colonial period (1872), the population of the indigenous hill people of the CHT was 98.26 per cent; in 1951 it was 90.92 per cent, which decreased to almost half in 1991 (51.42 per cent).

However, the debate over the identity and rights of indigenous peoples in Bangladesh has been intense since 2011, revealing the political duality of the then government and partymen. While they held meetings and rallies on the rights of indigenous peoples during their time in the opposition, their attitude changed after the formation of the government. After 2011, surprisingly though, it was officially announced from a high level that there are no indigenous peoples in Bangladesh. This has created extreme confusion across the country. Journalists, NGO officials, and researchers were even asked not to use the word ‘adivasi’ by the government. The then education minister was serious on this issue.

With the formation of an interim government on August 8, 2024, however, there is now an opportunity to correct the historical ignorance and resolve the debate. Currently, when the proposal to incorporate the ‘pluralism’ principle in the constitutional amendment is proposed, it is hoped that the issue of indigenous identity in Bangladesh will be resolved. Now is the time to resolve the existing debate through constitutional recognition of their many promises. The commitment to building a discrimination-free society expressed in the July movement, which was adorned with graffiti on walls in early August and the hope that was instilled in the speeches of advisors, is now the demand of the hour.

Constitutional recognition of indigenous peoples is essential for protecting their historical and cultural rights. Recognition is essential to preserve the cultural diversity of Bangladesh. It is not only a matter of protecting indigenous rights but also important for establishing pluralism and social equality. In the question of recognising their identity, the use of the terms ‘tribes’ and ‘small ethnic groups’ instead of the term ‘indigenous peoples’ as a means of their right to self-determination is unacceptable — it is derogatory and disrespectful to humanity. The state must take appropriate steps to protect the indigenous rights and play a leading role in establishing a pluralistic society that strives to maintain its desired equal and inclusive character.

Ìý

Dr Ala Uddin is a professor of anthropology at the University of Chittagong.