IF YOU live in Bangladesh, you live under the shadow of Dhaka. Whether it鈥檚 for higher education, advanced healthcare, legal proceedings, or career opportunities, the capital city is the unavoidable nerve centre of the country. Yet, its overburdened infrastructure, worsening pollution, and staggering congestion tell the story of a country trapped in an outdated governance model. The question is not whether decentralisation is necessary, but how quickly and effectively it can be implemented.
Bangladesh鈥檚 governance remains heavily Dhaka-centric, concentrating administrative, economic, and political power in the capital. Dhaka alone contributes nearly 30 per cent of the gross domestic product, houses most government offices, and serves as the hub for multinational corporations. This 鈥榟eadquarter culture鈥� not only overstretches the city鈥檚 resources but also marginalises the rest of the country, creating stark regional imbalances.
The impact is felt most acutely by those outside the capital. A farmer from Rangpur seeking legal redress must endure a costly journey to Dhaka. A patient in Barishal needing specialised treatment often faces a logistical nightmare. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed these weaknesses, with healthcare outside the capital proving woefully inadequate. If the goal is to transform Bangladesh into an equitable, middle-income nation, this model is unsustainable.
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Federalism vs Decentralisation听
ONE proposed solution is federalism 鈥� creating provincial governments with significant autonomy. Federal systems in the US, Germany, and India have successfully redistributed governance, enabling regional authorities to address local needs. In Bangladesh, this could mean regions like Chattogram prioritising maritime trade, Rangpur focusing on agriculture, and Sylhet leveraging its expatriate economy. Federalism would also encourage regional political parties, reducing the dominance of centralised power structures and fostering political accountability.
Yet, federalism is not without risks. The cost of creating new administrative structures, ministries, and legislatures would be immense. More critically, Bangladesh鈥檚 relatively homogenous ethnic and linguistic landscape makes the benefits of federalism less pronounced than in countries like India, where linguistic states have been an effective tool for governance.
A more viable alternative is aggressive decentralisation within the existing unitary framework. Instead of carving out provinces, the government could relocate ministries and key institutions to divisional cities. For instance, shifting the ministry of shipping and commerce to Chattogram would bolster port activities, while establishing the ministry of agriculture in Rajshahi would allow for direct, region-specific policymaking. The ministry of expatriates鈥� welfare could be based in Sylhet, a city with a high concentration of overseas workers.
Beyond administration, the judiciary must also be decentralised. Establishing high court benches in divisional cities would save litigants time and money, easing the burden on Dhaka鈥檚 sole high court.
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Economic imperative
THE economic case for decentralisation is overwhelming. If key industries were developed regionally, GDP contributions would no longer be Dhaka-centric. special economic zones in each division could attract investment, create jobs, and drive industrialisation. This model has worked in countries like Indonesia, where decentralised economic planning has fostered regional prosperity.
Some argue that Bangladesh鈥檚 low tax-to-GDP ratio is a barrier, but this is a problem of tax compliance rather than feasibility. By broadening the tax base and modernising collection systems, the government can generate the revenue necessary to fund decentralisation efforts. Raising the retirement age for civil servants could also reduce costs associated with bureaucratic expansion.
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Path forward听
DECENTRALISATION is not just a governance reform; it is a moral imperative. For too long, national development has meant Dhaka鈥檚 development. But a rising Bangladesh cannot be built on a foundation of regional neglect.
A phased approach is the most pragmatic path forward. Immediate measures should focus on relocating government offices, decentralising the judiciary, and strengthening local governments. The long-term vision should be a governance structure where regional cities are empowered to thrive, reducing pressure on Dhaka and ensuring no citizen is left behind.
In the words of Montesquieu, 鈥楿seless laws weaken the necessary ones.鈥� The same applies to governance. A centralised system that ignores regional realities is not just ineffective 鈥� it is unjust. The time for reform is now.
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Dr Rakib Al Hasan is a physician and author.
