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BANGLADESH won its second freedom on August 5, 2024, after a bloody mass movement against the authoritarian rule of Sheikh Hasina, who has been in power for 16 years. In a desperate attempt to cling to power, Hasina and her government unleashed a brutal crackdown, resulting in the deaths of as many as 1,400 people between July 15 and August 5, 2024, with thousands more injured. The security forces of Bangladesh carried out lethal missions against protesters, opposition activists, and civilians. The UN report, shockingly, indicates that 12 to 13 per cent of those killed were children, marking one of the darkest chapters in the nation’s political history.

With the demand seeking reform in the quota systems for public services, the mass movement began. Thus, the young generation, Gen-Z, being the only stakeholder, was the one leading the movement alone. Later, the massive crackdown of the Hasina regime on Gen-Z turned into a one-point movement, the removal of Hasina, which was later supported by the mass people in Bangladesh, leading to the July mass uprising.

The reason for this mass upsurge was triggered by many issues. Even the urge for reforming the quota system itself can be an issue to look at. The scenario, before the revolution, was that the graduates in Bangladesh mostly wanted to secure a government job since popoliticisation of bureaucracy had been an instrument of using power. It is the ‘position power’ that the graduates were mostly interested in. This is an example of how every state institution in Bangladesh was destroyed by the Hasina regime. The judiciary was politicised to be used as a weapon, illegally executing BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami leaders and jailing thousands of activists under fabricated charges, and one-party state was established where Hasina’s Awami League had only the say. Who would have thought that the younger generation, who were habituated to seeing the ruling of Hasina for a long time, would say, ‘We had enough.’

After the fall of Hasina, an interim government led by Nobel laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus has taken over. The interim government, though not directly elected, was established following the revolution by the will of the people. The core cause behind the establishment of this interim government is to reform the country’s dysfunctional institutions, including the constitution, legislative, executive, judiciary, police administration, and other vital organs of the state. Hence, a total of 11 reform commissions were established, and till now, four commissions submitted their reports to Yunus, chief advisor of the interim government, on January 15, 2025.

However, Yunus’s leadership faces immediate and immense challenges: the law-and-order situation is deteriorating, as remnants of the old regime, emboldened criminal networks, and political factions exploit the power vacuum. Street violence, political score settling, and crumbling security apparatus threaten to derail the people’s vision to reform before it even takes shape. With this, the initial optimism of the mass people toward the Yunus government is fading, raising public dissatisfaction.

On the other hand, the major political parties are exerting pressure to hold elections as early as possible rather than focusing on reform. While a majority of people, particularly the young generation who led this revolution, demand reform at first and then elections. However, there is also a division among the young people as well. It has started recently regarding the recognition of leading the July mass uprising. Was it the general students or the student wing of Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Chhatra Dal or the student of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, Chhatra Shibir? It seems like the country is in complete chaos, and the spirit of the July mass uprising is backsliding. Now, the situation leads us to ask the very question: where is the country’s politics going? Can the interim government restore democracy and rebuild the nation, or will the deteriorating law and order situation push the country into further chaos? What is needed? Is it the reform or the election?

To put it frankly, the future of Bangladeshi politics looks promising. A student-led political party, the National Citizens Party, was formed on February 28, 2025, inspired by the spirit of the July mass uprising. The party envisions a Second Republic, one that upholds freedom of speech, eliminates discrimination, and ensures genuine democratic practices, preventing any future authoritarian rule. Other major political parties, such as the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, share similar aspirations. However, their primary challenge lies in the lack of youth leadership. These parties are largely dominated by senior figures who often struggle to connect with the evolving demands of modern politics. If they can break away from traditional structures and actively promote young leaders, they may regain public trust and contribute meaningfully to the country’s development. The July mass uprising has made one thing clear: the people of Bangladesh will not tolerate authoritarian rulers anymore; they demand true representation. The sooner political parties recognise this shift, the better.

Following the fall of Hasina, the complete restructuring of state institutions became a possibility. However, the Yunus government is struggling to secure the necessary support from the bureaucracy. Additionally, political parties have been more focused on rushing elections rather than prioritising the broader reforms. This has plunged the country into a state of chaos, as previously mentioned. To restore stability and peace, the Yunus government must first identify and hold accountable those responsible for the 16-year authoritarian rule and the July mass killings carried out through state machinery. Only after ensuring justice can state institutions be declared reformed and trustworthy. This is crucial, as public trust in state officials has eroded, and bureaucrats themselves fear being accused or labelled as collaborators of the former regime. By officially recognising and ensuring institutional integrity, the government can rebuild public confidence, motivating state officials to work in alignment with the people’s aspirations.

Nevertheless, given the lack of bureaucratic support, ensuring a fair and thorough transition will be a daunting task. But, with the backing of major political parties, it is not an unattainable goal. The interim government must be assured of cooperation and granted sufficient time to restore justice and rebuild state institutions.

Policy reforms will be essential to prevent any future return of authoritarian rule in Bangladesh. The reform commissions have submitted their proposals, and the Yunus government has initiated dialogues with key stakeholders, particularly political parties, to determine the extent of these reforms. At this stage, political parties’ support will be vital in shaping the country’s future. Even if policy reforms are enacted, their practical implementation will ultimately depend on the political leadership.

This raises a critical question: will politics align with democratic ideals, or will history repeat itself? Given Bangladesh’s political past, where every ruling party has exhibited authoritarian tendencies, scepticism is understandable. However, what gives hope is the active political engagement of young people, especially Gen Z, who have emerged as key stakeholders in the country’s future. Their awareness and commitment to democratic values make it unlikely that they will tolerate any attempt to undermine the spirit of the July mass uprising or lead the country back into authoritarianism.

We appreciate that the Yunus government is actively engaging in dialogue with political parties regarding reforms. However, there is a noticeable lack of involvement from the general public. The voices of ordinary citizens seem absent from the process, leaving critical decisions solely in the hands of political parties.

The future of Bangladesh should not be determined by political parties alone. Instead, the people must have a direct say in shaping the country’s path. A nationwide referendum would be the most democratic way to ensure that the will of the people guides the reforms and the nation’s future. Let the people decide their future.

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Md Obaidullah is a visiting scholar, Daffodil International University, Dhaka; also a graduate assistant in the Department of Political Science at the University of Southern Mississippi, USA. Md Sohrab Hossen is a senior research associate at the Centre for Advanced Research, Dhaka.