THIS has been a good few months for sensational media items and Bangladesh appears to be choking with such content which readers love. First, there was the murder and mince-meating of a member of parliament in a Kolkata apartment possibly over a fallout of smuggling and other deals gone sour and over the share of profits, etc. This was very gross; hence, very engrossing; and it kept the media and its consumer鈥檚 clocks ticking.
Then came the news that the former chief of police whose clout, capacity and proximity to the powers that be were of near mythical proportions and was generally considered above the law had gone AWOL. He was considered so powerful that even the very eminent editor of the leading daily said that although the news of his wealth hoarding and property grabbing was known to all, nobody could say anything.
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Of indemnity and its loss and media
HE WAS considered beyond reach but suddenly he was all over the media with various news items including by the media outlets considered close to the establishment. The news was broken by a paper that belongs to one of the richest untouchable groups in Bangladesh. The man is so powerful, the media outlet is so powerful and the publicity being given to him is so high that one can only say that some very powerful lobby is after him and his protection umbrella was withdrawn.
Why and how it could have been discussed but, as expected, most have run to cite the US pressure on the current regime as explanations. However, there are other forces at work, it is said, but like the eminent editor said that not all can be discussed. In fact, there is no need to do so as the public appetite is for sensational news and not accurate quality content.
They do not really care because its happening in a world far away and they are not connected to it and that is why it really does not matter. It could, for all we know, be happening in some parts of unknown Africa. For the average Bangladeshi, the mix of criminal activities and links to the state constructs has made both very distant neighbours about whom we occasionally care and can do little else other than enjoy the content when it fits our taste.
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Budget and what it means to people
OF ALL the state instruments of control that exist for any southern state, nothing is more powerful or obvious than the national budget. It is about the framework of income and expenditure of the government. It is decided by the government and then put to the parliament for approval. There is a debate and discussion, some suggestions, a few protests, a few concessions and then the budget is passed and that is it.
Several figures and data, including growth rate, gross domestic product expectation, loans and so forth are mentioned that arrive on the media pages and, of course, the various think tanks state the usual on its limitations and flaws. Both are in many ways part of the state structure. While many media outlets are part of the state-based crony economy, the think tanks are also extensions of the western manifestation of knowledge and connection to international institutions that uphold such interests.
Once they were more powerful when Bangladesh was far more dependent on western economies, particularly aid for socio-economic survival. But it is no longer the case; so, their influence has waned but they still remain very eminent if not that powerful. But no one really cares about what they say except their fellow members of the elite class. But what are the people on whom the budget is supposed to affect and impact the most?
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What does budget mean to them?
THE budget means price increase and paying more for what they pay for now. It means the cost baseline legal or illegal goods will go up and there will be no relief for consumers. The numbers and steps for inflationary pressure management are seen as fictional and not taken seriously at all.
Many have simply put on hold certain activities hoping that they can benefit from price rise or deny themselves altogether. While many are desperately hunting for items that they need and may not be able to afford much longer, they hold no hope. The scramble for the market by some is very limited because the rest could not care and, even if they did, would not matter. It is not a dead budget. It simply does not exist for the purpose it is supposed to exist because Bangladesh economics has little to do with it going by experience except for legitimising price increase.
In the end, it is a media item on various outlets where prolonged discussions are held and pondered upon. But no matter how rich or powerful the state is, the reduced relevance of the construct can only be pondered upon, but not discussed, till it is no longer a threat or matters to any.
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Afsan Chowdhury is a researcher and journalist.