FOLLOWING an unprecedented student-led movement that precipitated the dramatic collapse of the Sheikh Hasina administration, Bangladesh finds itself navigating uncharted waters in an effort to forge a future unlike anything experienced since its independence in 1971. This mass insurrection and its immediate triumph will be remembered as one of the most exalted events in the nation鈥檚 history, serving as a bulwark against any prospective autocrats. However, the downfall of the Hasina regime was marred by egregious violence that terrorised the nation for several days.
The glaring question remains: why was the country left so acutely vulnerable on the day of Sheikh Hasina鈥檚 ousting, despite the apparent presence of military oversight? Why did the authorities fail to preempt the assaults on Hindu minorities across the country, the looting of Ganabhaban and the parliament building, the destruction of statues and national treasures, the murder of police officers, etc.? More importantly, why was the mob allowed to dominate the streets for such a long time while the military in power concentrated on meetings with right-wing politicians to strategise their next steps?
The interim government must seek answers to these pressing questions. The nation is imbued with optimism and anticipates progress under the interim government led by professor Muhammad Yunus, a Nobel laureate renowned for his so-called social business microlending. However, the path ahead is fraught with challenges, as this represents an unprecedented yet historic juncture for the country. Instead of falling into the trap of political vengeance that we are witnessing now, the interim government should implement several crucial measures essential for reforming the state and strengthening democracy in Bangladesh.
First, it is evident that regime changes in the Global South often involve foreign support. Despite its modest size, Bangladesh holds substantial geopolitical significance due to its extensive border with India, a burgeoning economic power. Those familiar with political economy recognise that the student-led movement in Bangladesh might have garnered backing and support from the United States. Therefore, my initial recommendation is to ensure that Bangladesh does not become a client state of the US, akin to the situation over the past 15 years when it was considered a client state of India. Historical patterns suggest that US support rarely results in favourable outcomes.
Second, the existing constitution of Bangladesh has facilitated past administrations in adopting autocratic measures, culminating in the most despotic regime that dismantled fundamental democratic institutions and ultimately terrorised the nation. The deposed Awami League government has increasingly adopted autocratic practices while operating within the current institutional framework. To avert future abuses, it is imperative to amend the constitution to fortify democratic principles and establish robust checks and balances.
Although there seems to be considerable trust in professor Yunus and the NGO-friendly advisory board, it is crucial to recognise that trust, while essential, can be politically perilous if not managed judiciously. The culture of adulation surrounding prominent figures contributed to the former prime minister鈥檚 autocratic tendencies. Specifically, the Bangladeshi populace has historically relied on Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League for secularism, yet their tenure has paradoxically nurtured religious extremism.
It is vital for professor Yunus to articulate the goals of the interim government and clarify the anticipated duration of their governance. Concerns have also been raised about the inclusion of two students on the interim government鈥檚 advisory board. While this inclusion is commendable, questions remain about their political acumen and whether they possess the requisite prudence to navigate the complexities of governance during this tumultuous period.
Third, to realise the promise of an inclusive democracy 鈥� an overarching aim of the movement 鈥� the constitution must embody these values. Reinstate secularism, which has been obliterated by amendments from 1977 to 1988. It is one thing to promote secularism in society; it is another to enshrine it within national law. Amend the constitutional revisions and government proclamations from that era to restore a secular and equitable legal framework.
Finally, with approximately 70 per cent of Bangladesh鈥檚 population under the age of 40 and many young people possessing a global perspective, the nation holds immense potential to emerge as one of the most promising countries globally. Ensure that the aspirations of the youth are reflected in all political and democratic institutions. Also, safeguard against the resurgence of outdated political elements that have been repudiated by the younger generation. Nonetheless, the timeline and method for achieving these lofty goals remain uncertain. The youth鈥檚 primary desire is to move beyond the past and build a new future.
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Nikhil Deb is an assistant professor of sociology at California Polytechnic State University, California, USA.