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REVOLUTIONS or mass uprisings have been both triumphs and tragedies in history’s archives, marked by the inevitable complexities that follow the overthrow of entrenched regimes. The July uprising, which brought down the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule, is no exception. This student-led uprising was hailed as a watershed moment for democracy in Bangladesh, one that revived the country’s aspirations for freedom and justice. Yet, only months after the fall of the AL regime, cracks have begun to appear in the unity that drove this monumental change. Disillusionment, political infighting, and opportunism now threaten to undermine the spirit of the July uprising.Ìý

The July uprising was a united front of students, civil society, and political activists who stood firm against the dictatorial excesses of the Awami League. Similar to the aftermath of the American Revolution, where the promise of liberty was tested by the challenges of nation-building, Bangladesh now faces its own set of trials. The founding political leaders of the United States — George Washington, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson — experienced deep frustration as their new nation struggled to find order amidst chaos. As historian Gordon Wood noted, the revolutionaries feared that their grand experiment in democracy might fail due to uncontrolled disobedience and disorder.

The same fear hovers over Bangladesh today, as those who fought for liberation from dictatorship now find themselves involved in conflict. The power vacuum created by the fall of the AL has allowed former members of the Bangladesh Chhatra League and the Bangladesh Juba League — the student and youth wing of the deposed regime — to reemerge under false pretenses. Camouflaged as the members of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, these individuals allegedly engage in extortion and land grabbing, tarnishing the reputation of the BNP and the broader spirit of the uprising. These actions, alongside other examples of similar misconduct, threaten to erode public trust in the very forces that once promised a new era of transparency and justice.

This disunity comes at a perilous time. The staunch supporters of the ousted regime are actively working to discredit the uprising and destabilise the current interim government. Their strategy is clear: create chaos in key sectors, such as the industrial workforce and the bureaucracy, while exploiting divisions within the forces that led the uprising. Such tactics are designed to reverse the hard-earned gains of the uprising. As in the post-American Revolution period, when currency instability and conflicting land claims sowed discord, Bangladesh too is witnessing turmoil in its political and economic fabric.

One of the most poignant literary references to such post-revolutionary chaos can be found in Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities (1859), where the revolutionaries, initially united in their fight against oppression, fall prey to infighting, vengeance, and paranoia. The reign of terror, which followed the French Revolution, serves as a stark reminder of how revolutionary unity can unravel into violence and lawlessness. Bangladesh, standing at a similar precipice, must heed this historical lesson.

In this context, the BNP now faces the critical task of preserving unity within its ranks. The main leaders of the party have been vocal in their condemnation of any unlawful actions carried out in the name of their party. Their stance is clear: the BNP will not tolerate opportunistic elements using the uprising for personal gain. This sentiment echoes the words of John Adams, who once lamented the ‘turbulent’ aftermath of the American Revolution, worrying that personal greed and unchecked ambition could destabilise the Republic.

Despite the BNP’s efforts to distance itself from those who engage in criminal activities, some elements within the interim government and rival political factions are reportedly quick to blame the party for any unrest. This political opportunism has deepened the divisions that already threaten to fracture the spirit of unity demonstrated during the July uprising. In this fragile period, the interim government must ensure that justice is not only done but also seen to be done. Swift, decisive action against those responsible for post-revolutionary lawlessness is imperative.

However, this responsibility does not rest on the interim government alone. Political leaders from all sides must prioritise national unity over individual gains. The BNP, despite the allegations it faces, has made important strides by committing to the formation of a national government if and when in power. This commitment to inclusivity mirrors the sentiments of the American revolutionaries, who, despite their differences, recognised the need for a strong central government to stabilise their fledgling nation. The US Constitution, ratified in 1787, was a product of compromise and collective vision. Similarly, Bangladesh must foster an inclusive, representative administration to ensure stability and long-term prosperity.

The upcoming elections will serve as a crucial test of this unity. Should political leaders allow divisions to fester, they risk repeating the mistakes of post-liberation Bangladesh in 1971, where infighting and factionalism led to decades of instability. History, both from Bangladesh and abroad, teaches us that the aftermath of mass uprisings is often fraught with danger. As Dickens famously wrote, ‘It was the best of times; it was the worst of times.’ For Bangladesh, the outcome depends on the choices its leaders make today.

The interim government’s role in state reform is also paramount. Without comprehensive changes to the judiciary, law enforcement, and other key institutions, the next government may inherit a system prone to the same abuses that characterised the AL regime. Much like the Constitutional Convention of 1787, which sought to rectify the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation, Bangladesh must embark on a path of institutional reform to safeguard its democratic future.

Yet, amidst the political wrangling and opportunism, the spirit of the July mass uprising must not be forgotten. At its heart, the revolution was about reclaiming the people’s right to freedom and justice. To let this hard-fought victory slip through their fingers due to political opportunism would be a tragedy. As Benjamin Rush wrote in despair in 1812, ‘America’s revolutionary experiment on behalf of liberty… will certainly fail.’ Bangladesh’s revolutionaries must ensure that their own experiment does not meet the same fate.

In conclusion, the July mass uprising was a momentous victory, but its future remains uncertain. The cracks in unity demonstrated recently must be addressed before they deepen into fissures that could unravel the entire movement. Bangladesh stands at a crossroads: it can either solidify its democratic gains through political cooperation and institutional reform, or it can allow disunity and opportunism to undo the progress achieved. The stakes are high, and the lessons of history are clear. It is now up to the nation’s leaders to ensure that the hard-earned gains are preserved for future generations.

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HÌýM Nazmul Alam is a lecturer of English and modern languages at the International University of Business, Agriculture, and Technology.