THE cornerstone of an inclusive democracy lies in a free and fair electoral system. Electoral reform, therefore, is one of the interim government鈥檚 highest priorities. While restructuring the Election Commission is crucial, shifting public perception about the significance of voting is equally important. The interim government can swiftly restructure the commission, but the more challenging task of changing people鈥檚 attitudes toward voting requires sustained, long-term efforts that the interim government can at least initiate. This article presents a practical roadmap for addressing both objectives.
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Reforming Election Commission
THE main problem with the electoral process is the inherent conflict of interest. Election Commissioners, appointed for long terms, often prioritise securing their positions over providing impartial services. Field-level officials 鈥� such as returning officers, presiding officers, and law enforcers 鈥� are government employees who struggle to act neutrally. Even during a caretaker government, these conflicts of interest persist, as civil servants managing the elections can often predict likely winners and adjust their loyalties accordingly.
A fundamental shift in the conduct of elections is necessary. One way to achieve this is by appointing Election Commissioners on short-term contracts, typically three months, with little flexibility to tailor their roles for any particular election. These commissioners could be selected from a pool of retired judges, civil servants, and police officers with prior experience in election activities. For ease of administration, elections can be conducted over several days instead of just one day.
Additionally, a pool of retired judges can be created to address all election-related disputes as necessary. The Election Commission Secretariat should start updating the voter list and developing an online voting system for Bangladeshi citizens living abroad well in advance of the elections. To ensure transparency, the voter list should be made accessible online for public scrutiny and viewing.
Returning officers and law enforcement coordinators at the district level can be appointed from retired members of the civil, military, and police services. Presiding and polling officers, needed in large numbers, may come from private organisations. Any additional personnel may be sourced from government employees, but they must be assigned outside their own jurisdiction.
Law enforcement units for deployment at the field level can be created from the ranks of the armed forces, border guards, reserve police, and Ansar, as well as cadets of the Bangladesh National Cadet Corps, commanded by junior police and military officers.
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Community engagement
IF YOU were to randomly ask someone in a village, 鈥榃hy do some individuals sell their votes for as little as a cup of tea?鈥�, their typical response might be, 鈥楶eople have lost their moral compass, becoming self-centred and indifferent to the nation鈥檚 well-being.鈥� They may suggest that only a fundamental change in the mindset of the general population can address this issue.
As Larry Diamond points out in Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation, building a durable democracy goes beyond electoral reform 鈥� it also requires cultivating a political culture that encourages active participation in the voting process. Therefore, while restructuring the Election Commission is crucial, reshaping public perceptions about voting must also be prioritised.
Due to the public鈥檚 misconceptions about the true value of votes, elections can be easily manipulated by oligarchs 鈥� wealthy individuals or families who dominate government, society, and the economy. Autocratic regimes often form mutually beneficial alliances with them, providing protection and favourable policies in exchange for their support. Oligarchs preserve their influence by manipulating elections through money, fraud, and the use of force.
People generally act in their self-interest; thus, if they recognised how fair voting could improve their social and economic well-being 鈥� such as better access to justice, enhanced job opportunities, and quality healthcare 鈥� they would actively defend it. The interim government can launch voter education programmes by leveraging existing infrastructure, such as local governments, field administrations, agricultural extension, and cooperative services coordinated by the District Election Office. Large NGOs with extensive rural networks can, independently or in collaboration with the interim government, launch similar programmes. They have successfully implemented mass immunisation and adult literacy campaigns, so educating voters falls well within their capabilities and is essential for sustaining broader social development initiatives.
The people of Bangladesh were hoping for a new political alternative, but none has yet emerged. In this context, voters can be educated to select candidates based on honesty, competence, and patriotism, regardless of party affiliation. Existing complex processes for independent candidates, such as requiring 1 per cent of voter signatures and barriers to the emergence of new political parties, should be removed to promote broader participation and expand voter choice.
Indonesia鈥檚 election system includes citizen participation mechanisms such as community-based monitoring, independent election observers, local election committees, and civil society engagement. We can adopt similar practices. To monitor the election process and prevent fraudulent voting, groups of 50鈥�100 volunteers can remain near polling stations throughout Election Day as vigilant observers. They can also assist law enforcement agencies in maintaining law and order and help bring voters to polling stations, ensuring higher voter turnout.
Parallel Vote Tabulation is a method for independently verifying election results through a parallel vote count. During Kenya鈥檚 2017 presidential election, civil society groups used PVT to cross-check data from trained observers with official results, revealing irregularities that led to a Supreme Court annulment and a re-election. Relevant civil society organisations in Bangladesh could adopt a similar approach.
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Challenges and mitigations
IMPLEMENTING the roadmap presents several challenges, but viable strategies exist to address them. Appointing Election Commissioners on short-term contracts aims to reduce bias and conflicts of interest; however, it may inadvertently lead to instability and inconsistency in election management. To mitigate this risk, it is essential to completely separate the management responsibilities of the Election Commission, which should be handled by the EC secretariat, from the actual conduct of elections, which should remain solely within the domain of the Election Commissioners.
Another significant challenge is effectively educating voters and engaging rural populations, who often encounter obstacles such as illiteracy, limited access to information, and political apathy. To enhance these programmes, direct outreach methods similar to those used by agricultural extension workers or microcredit managers can be employed. Furthermore, leveraging social media and information technology can be beneficial, as many rural residents now have improved access to satellite TV, SMS, and smartphones.
The success of Parallel Vote Tabulation hinges on adequate resources, training, and funding, which may be limited in the current context. This issue can be addressed by initiating these processes well ahead of the elections and securing funding through public donations from Bangladeshi citizens living abroad who wish to be involved in the process.
A multifaceted strategy that focuses on building public trust, dismantling oligarchic influence, and fostering genuine civic engagement will be vital for achieving sustainable and inclusive electoral reforms in Bangladesh.
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Saifur Rahman is a senior IT specialist and a sociopolitical analyst.