The 鈥楪en Z Revolution鈥� is a unique story.
The student鈥檚 initial demand for reforming the quota system for government jobs resonated with the masses because of high unemployment and pent-up discontent. The Hasina government thought this movement harmless, so they did not resist, unlike the opposition political movements of the past. Many unassuming students, apparently unrelated to the student organisations affiliated with the political parties, initiated it, almost all remaining anonymous except a few. This phenomenon created a bridge of unity between students and the masses. The prevailing suspicions of the masses about political parties鈥� intents were absent. Moreover, Abu Sayeed showed bravery and supreme sacrifice on July 16, which captivated the entire country. Bravery turned into the order of the days. When an ordinary person turns into a revolutionary vanguard and wants martyrdom, it is hard to crush that uprising because bravery is contagious.
I was in Dhaka from July 1 until July 13 during the early phase of the GEN Z Revolution. I followed two small processions, one in Agargaon and another near the science lab, on two different days. They were peaceful, with minor traffic congestion. The primary demand was to reform the quota system for government jobs that allocates 44 per cent on a merit basis and 56 per cent on a quota basis, including 30 per cent reserved for the freedom fighters, their children, and grandchildren. The freedom fighters list underwent several iterations and reiterations depending on who was controlling the government, resulting in a list that included a lot of fake freedom fighters; many were minors during the Independence War of Bangladesh.
Let us time travel to 2018 to get a clear picture of the quota movement. The first phase began in early 2018 and ended following prime minister Hasina鈥檚 executive order abolishing the quota system, which became effective on July 1, 2020.听
However, the issue came to the fore when the Bangladesh High Court issued a verdict on June 5, 2024, in response to a lawsuit cancelling the executive order and restoring the quota system. Ironically, Hasina supported this verdict of reinstitution of the quota system by saying that she acted previously out of petulance when she issued the quota cancellation executive order in 2018. On the contrary, her attorney general鈥檚 office filed an appeal with the Supreme Court against the High Court Verdict of June 5, 2024. It is well known that the judicial courts, attorney general, and law ministry do everything according to Hasina鈥檚 wishes. So, the inconsistencies and contradictions appeared to be caused by Hasina playing games with Gen Z without any intent to reform the quota. The students could not trust her. Therefore, the powder keg kept on building up.听
The anti-quota student coordinators launched the first demonstration on July 1, which peacefully went well on a small scale. The students reorganised under the banner of the Students Against Discrimination for a Bangla Blockade on July 7 for the entire country. It was not opposed by the police and ended peacefully. Three days later, the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court issued an order stayed the High Court verdict regarding the freedom fighters鈥� quota. But students demanded that the government (ie, parliament) must enact the law for quota reform and said that the court has nothing to do with it. The students could not trust the court verdict because the Awami League and its cohorts were vocal in favour of the quota system. They already had the bitter experience of the High Court reinstituting the quota. They continued their peaceful protest on July 11, but it turned violent for the first time due to police brutality. Interestingly, prime minister Sheikh Hasina returned from China on the evening of July 10, cutting her trip by one day. The clashes by police and the Rapid Action Battalion with the students took place the next day.
Three days later, Hasina insulted the students by calling them razakars at a press conference. She said, 鈥淲ho are we going to give jobs to? Aren鈥檛 we going to give them to the children of freedom fighters? Of course, we won鈥檛 give them to the Razakars.鈥� Why did Hasina pick July 14 to say something that could ignite the tinder box of discontent? It was the day of days in the French calendar 鈥� the day citizens of Paris stormed the Bastille, setting off the French Revolution. The 鈥榬azakar鈥� is a highly derogatory word in Bangladeshi vocabulary. Calling someone 鈥榬azakar鈥� means that person is a traitor. This single word infuriated the students and hurt their self-respect, and the reaction was seismic.
The Awami League general secretary got into action and unleashed the horrors of the Chhatra League, the student wing of the Bangladesh Awami League, to crush the will of the protesters. The Chhatra League raided the student dormitories of Dhaka University. Their ruthless carnage did not spare the injured students in the Dhaka Medical College Hospital. Aided by the police and other security forces, they attacked students in Comilla, Jessore, Rajshahi, Savar, and other cities. Several hundred students were injured. This savage oppression failed to deter the students who called a nationwide demonstration for the next day, July 16.
All hell broke loose on July 16. The student鈥檚 demonstration reached an elevated dimension with increasing intensity, so the oppression by the police, RAB, Chhatra League, and other auxiliary branches of the ruling party. There were six deaths, including Abu Sayeed of Begum Rokeya University in Rangpur. He opened his chest in defiance of the clashing police force. His bravery and supreme sacrifice detonated the powder keg. Bravery invaded the land!
The private university students, usually indifferent to partisan activism, joined the movement in droves the next day. The political parties came out from the sidelines, although their student and youth fronts actively participated in the demonstrations without their political banners. The parents, ordinary citizens, professionals, and children 鈥� citizens of all shades and categories 鈥� joined the movement. This extraordinary unity was the driving force that propelled the movement to a remarkable victory.
To be continued.
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Dr Mostofa Sarwar, scientist and poet, is professor emeritus at the University of New Orleans. He was dean, provost and vice-chancellor of Delgado Community College and served as the visiting professor and adjunct faculty of the University of Pennsylvania.