DURING the previous regime of 15 years, the people of the country faced deep-rooted grievances and deprivation, aggravated by pervasive and systematic repression. Misgovernance, rampant corruption, unchecked arbitrariness, and the abuse of power fuelled widespread anger and antagonism among the populace. Amid this volatile backdrop, the Bangladesh police, serving as the government鈥檚 executive apparatus, transformed into an instrument of repression, ruthlessly suppressing dissent through indiscriminate use of lethal force and extrajudicial tactics, further widening the divide between the state and its citizens.
Over the years, numerous reports have highlighted how the police have been utilised to suppress dissent, curtail free speech, and maintain political control, actions that have not only compromised the integrity of the police force but also eroded public trust in law enforcement agencies.听The opposition, particularly the BNP and the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, was frequently targeted, with leaders and activists subjected to arrests and charges that critics argue were politically motivated. Harrowing tales of enforced disappearances and crossfire incidents have resonated far beyond national borders.
A significant turning point came with the student movement for reforms to the quota system in the recruitment of public services. This movement, catalysed by long-standing frustration, suppressed resentment, and deep-rooted discontent, rapidly evolved into a broader call for the government鈥檚 ousting. In their bid to crush the movement, the police resorted to excessive force, resulting in the deaths of numerous students and demonstrators. This tragic response ignited unprecedented public fury, making the police the primary target of the people鈥檚 wrath and vengeance.
When Sheikh Hasina stepped down and left the country, the accumulated and pent-up public anger erupted like wildfire. People defied curfews, took to the streets in overwhelming numbers, and vented their fury on police stations, outposts, and other police establishments. Enraged people attacked, looted, and ransacked these institutions, compelling police personnel to abandon their posts and flee. Shockingly, 44 police officers of various ranks were also lynched, and many others were injured. Weapons, ammunition, and official documents were looted in the turmoil, marking an unprecedented event in the history of the Bangladesh Police. Even during the Liberation War in 1971, operational units, especially police stations, were never entirely abandoned or rendered nonfunctional for days as during this turmoil. It appeared as though the police had reached a breaking point. In the days following August 5, the country experienced a complete absence of both government authority and a visible police presence, leading to a widespread security vacuum.
The armed forces stepped in during this period to bridge the gap and maintain order. Since then, the army has been actively deployed to protect key installations and facilities, working tirelessly and with steadfast commitment to restore stability and maintain law and order throughout the country. By this time, commissioned officers of the Bangladesh Army have been entrusted with executive magistracy powers, empowering them to conduct searches and, in the presence of designated officials, issue search warrants at any location. This authority was formally conferred through a notification, which specifies that army officers granted magistracy powers may address offences under various provisions of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898. These include Sections 64, 65, 83, 84, 86, 95(2), 100, 105, 107, 109, 110, 126, 127, 128, 130, 133, and 142.
Through the interim government鈥檚 efforts, police personnel gradually resumed their duties and operations. However, the aftermath of the August 5 incident left a deep scar. Many police members remain mentally distressed, traumatised, and unable to perform their duties with full force and vigour. Field-level officers, who bore the brunt of the public outrage, suffered not only physical losses but also psychological trauma, social stigma, and professional disrepute. This has created an atmosphere of mistrust, accusations, and weakened command integrity within the police hierarchy. Furthermore, field officers accused senior officials of abandoning them during the turmoil of an asymmetric war, fleeing without providing prior notice or support to those left behind to face the onslaught. This led to resentment and minor discontent within certain police units, particularly at the Rajarbag Police Lines. However, the interim government swiftly took measures to restore the esprit de corps within the police force. Additionally, fear of departmental actions, dismissal, forced retirement, or legal implications for their actions during the student movement has left many officers in a state of panic.
Members of the Rapid Action Battalion are in disarray, grappling with significantly low morale amid the looming threat of dissolution driven by intense national and international pressure over allegations of involvement in extrajudicial killings. These accusations have not only tarnished the force鈥檚 reputation but also plunged it into a state of uncertainty and operational stagnation, leaving it demoralised and seemingly moribund.
For long, the police themselves often resorted to short-term measures and quick fixes,听engaging in extra-departmental activities rather than addressing systemic issues or prioritising sustainable law enforcement strategies. These practices not only diverted attention from core policing functions but also weakened the institutional framework necessary for maintaining public trust and upholding the rule of law.
In addition to struggling with low morale and a significant deficit in public trust, the police face numerous operational challenges that hinder their effectiveness and their day-to-day operations. A substantial loss of vehicles has severely impacted their mobility, while essential equipment such as tear gas canisters, stun grenades, transport vehicles, and walkie-talkies damaged or destroyed during the revolution remains unreplenished. Adding to the crisis, police headquarters report that 5,750 firearms and 651,609 rounds of ammunition were looted during the unrest, with approximately 1,500 firearms still unrecovered. The most alarming concern is likely to be the potential use of these arms by vigilante groups to commit crimes and targeted killings during the transition to a political government. Compounding these challenges is the escape of approximately 700 convicts during the uprisings, who remain at large.
Security experts emphasise that effective policing in any society requires both covert and overt support from intelligence agencies to ensure the success of its operational activities. However, during successive regimes, intelligence organisations were frequently utilised for tasks that extended beyond their mandated jurisdictions, often to serve political agendas. This misuse came at the expense of their professional development and operational excellence.
The fall of the Awami League regime has heightened tensions, creating an opportunity for disruptive forces to exploit the situation and attempt to establish their political authority. Vested interest groups, possibly with external backing, may incite unrest, provoke violence, or destabilise the nation鈥檚 social and political fabric. Acts of sabotage and subversion could include targeted attacks, spreading misinformation, and fomenting divisions within society to erode public trust in institutions and hinder the transition to a stable political order. The involvement of foreign elements exacerbates these threats, as external actors may exploit internal vulnerabilities to advance their strategic interests, jeopardising Bangladesh鈥檚 sovereignty and security.
In the four and a half months since the fall of the previous regime, several significant incidents, such as the intrusion of Ansar and VDP members into the government secretariat, student demands for automatic passes in certain HSC subjects leading to the seizure of the education ministry, and labour unrest in the garment sector, stemmed from long-standing unmet grievances. While the interim government has been striving to address these issues following the public euphoria of August 5, lynching, street snatchings, house robberies, and dacoities in various areas have heightened concerns over public safety. These crimes have reinforced perceptions of an unsatisfactory law and order situation, further eroding public trust in the police.
The socio-political fabric of Bangladesh has undergone a seismic shift in recent months, marked by the dramatic fall of the previous regime, leaving a legacy of public distrust, institutional dysfunction, and social instability, with the Bangladesh police at the centre of the turmoil. Once a cornerstone of governance, the force now grapples with a fractured reputation, operational inefficiency, and internal discord. Standing at a crossroads, the Bangladesh police face the dual challenges of addressing internal dysfunction and rebuilding public trust. Recovery requires a delicate balance between accountability and rehabilitation, addressing past wrongs while fostering an environment conducive to restoring integrity and functionality. In this context, the recent statement by the police chief 鈥� acknowledging that the police 鈥榟ave no magic鈥� to restore order instantaneously 鈥� highlights both the complexities of policing in a shifting political landscape and the urgent need for patience and understanding as the institution seeks to rebuild itself.
The police may not possess any magic, but the true magic lay with the people, particularly the students, who, without ties to any political platform, stood against the police and other security forces, ultimately toppling the Sheikh Hasina government. This remarkable event marks an unprecedented chapter in the political history of Bangladesh. Initially, students took the initiative to manage traffic in Dhaka city voluntarily. However, the authorities failed to capitalise on this opportunity to harness the students鈥� potential for fostering engagement between the police and the public, which could have significantly contributed to restoring law and order across the country. A promising pathway for reconciliation lies in involving the student community 鈥� whose anti-discrimination movement became a driving force for change 鈥� in local initiatives. By engaging students, it is possible to bridge the divide between the police and the public, reduce tensions, and cultivate meaningful collaboration.
Public engagement and support are essential for effective policing, and rebuilding trust requires sincerity, transparency, and accountability. The recent upheaval has left deep scars, challenging the ethos of policing in Bangladesh for the foreseeable future. However, with focused efforts, the police can emerge stronger, more compassionate, and better equipped to serve the public. Revitalising community policing, a proven strategy for preventing social crimes in the western world, could be pivotal in this transformation. Unfortunately, in Bangladesh, community policing has often been undermined by unscrupulous practices, turning it into a tool for extortion and coercion. Reforming and depersonalising this concept is vital to restoring its original purpose: preventing crime and fostering genuine community engagement. Crime control, especially during a political transition, cannot rely solely on policing but requires a concerted effort from all sectors of society, grounded in trust, collaboration, and a commitment to addressing the socioeconomic roots of unrest. As Bangladesh moves toward a new chapter of governance, fostering strong community relationships and adopting a holistic approach to law enforcement will be essential for breaking the cycle of crime and ensuring a safer, more just society for all.
听In an effort to revamp the police department, the government implemented a series of transfers and postings to various assignments. Officers who had long been overlooked and deprived for promotion were finally elevated to important positions. Among the most significant actions of the interim government was the appointment of two key positions on a contractual basis: the Inspector General of Police and the Police Commissioner of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police. These roles are regarded as pivotal within the police organisation, as they hold substantial authority over police personnel. The law and order situation in Dhaka serves as a barometer for the overall security situation across the country.
Additionally, former inspector general of police Md Khoda Baksh Chowdhury was appointed special assistant to the chief adviser with the status of the state minister in the ministry of home affairs to oversee the police affairs. This appointment brings a wealth of expertise, drawing on his extensive experience in national and international policing, including serving as a senior police adviser with the United Nations in post-conflict regions like Afghanistan and holding a commanding role in the former Yugoslavia. Additionally, home adviser Lt Gen (retd) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, a distinguished and highly accomplished army general, has been steering the leadership of the ministry of home affairs.
This demonstrates the government鈥檚 commitment, vision, and determination to enhance the law and order situation. All organisations, civil society, and political parties must urgently and resolutely support this transformation of the interim government to create a secure environment. Failure to act decisively risks plunging the nation into further instability and jeopardising the aspirations for which the people and students have struggled. The time to act is now, ensuring the police can reclaim their role as protectors of law and order rather than instruments of repression.
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Dr Md Motiar Rahman is a retired deputy inspector general of police.