THE police, widely regarded as the frontline of law enforcement, often face public dissatisfaction, particularly in developing countries. In Bangladesh, the relationship between the police and the public has historically been fraught with fear, mistrust, and mixed perceptions. A significant number of university graduates aspire to join the police force. Their motivations range from securing personal and family safety to seeking social prestige and fulfilling the 鈥榟eroic鈥� image associated with the profession. However, recent developments, especially in the wake of the July鈥揂ugust student-led mass uprising, have revealed the institution鈥檚 growing fragility and vulnerability.
This uprising exposed alarming weaknesses within the police force. At least 44 police personnel and 819 civilians lost their lives during the protests. Among all armed and security forces, the police were allegedly the only institution willing to use force against the demonstrators. The subsequent fall of Sheikh Hasina鈥檚 long-serving regime on August 5 further underscored the institution鈥檚 fragility. The interim government, led by Dr Muhammad Yunus, struggled to restore public confidence in the police or rebuild their morale. Instead, the force became even more destabilised, both in terms of internal cohesion and its capacity to maintain law and order. Dr Yunus openly acknowledged these challenges in a recent interview with Nurul Kabir, editor of 抖阴精品.
The difficulties facing the police appear severe but are not insurmountable. Public hostility, mob violence, and disrespect during official duties have become routine in the post-uprising era. Officers perceived as aligned with the previous Awami League regime or accused of abuses during the protests have been targeted. Some have fled the country or gone into hiding, leaving behind a demoralised force struggling to adapt to new realities. Internal disarray has been highlighted by incidents like the public humiliation of DIG Ashrafur Rahman at the Mymensingh Range Office, where an angry mob accused him of financial irregularities and failing to hold officers accountable.
On January 15 2025, the Police Reform Commission released key recommendations aimed at enhancing transparency, efficiency, accountability, and public trust. These proposals included updating colonial-era laws, improving management of force application, and modernising interrogation practices. Emphasis was placed on safeguarding human rights by strengthening oversight bodies like the National Human Rights Commission and creating mechanisms to curb abuse and corruption. The commission also recommended improving community-police relations through awareness initiatives, victim support centres, and public outreach programmes. Gender sensitivity and inclusivity were prioritised by suggesting better facilities for female officers and victims. The recommendations extended to training reforms, equipping officers with modern skills, and establishing specialised units and research centres to support operations. Stress management initiatives and work-life balance improvements were also proposed.
While these reforms are commendable, they fall short in addressing critical operational challenges. Notably, the recommendations fail to prioritise the upskilling of constables and non-cadre officers, who form the backbone of the police force. They also overlook measures to foster cohesion within the ranks. This disconnect between the commission鈥檚 aspirations and the operational realities of law enforcement undermines the potential impact of the proposed reforms.
Constables and non-cadre officers face multiple challenges that hinder their efficiency and morale. Their financial compensation is grossly inadequate, failing to reflect the risks and responsibilities they shoulder. This financial strain often leads to instability, low motivation, and, in some cases, corrupt practices. Long and unpredictable work hours, often exceeding 12 hours, result in chronic exhaustion and disrupted personal lives. Training opportunities remain insufficient, leaving officers ill-equipped to handle modern policing demands, such as cybercrime and community engagement. Additionally, their living conditions are dire. Overcrowded barracks and poor sanitation create an environment unfit for professionals tasked with public safety. The lack of modern equipment further limits their ability to perform effectively.
These systemic issues highlight the urgent need for bottom-up reform. Enhanced salaries that reflect the risks of policing, manageable work hours, and comprehensive training programmes must be prioritised. Investment in better living conditions and modern tools is essential. Moreover, initiatives to promote unity and bridge divisions within the force are vital to restore morale and strengthen cohesion.
The fall of Sheikh Hasina鈥檚 government has left the police in a state of institutional fragility, marked by diminished authority and public credibility. The current reform proposals, though ambitious, fail to address foundational challenges and overlook the needs of constables and non-cadre officers. Rebuilding internal cohesion and addressing these gaps are crucial for creating an effective police force.
Adopting a bottom-up approach to reform is essential to restore institutional credibility and operational efficiency. Ensuring independence from political interference, fostering meaningful accountability, and prioritising the well-being of personnel can help rebuild trust in law enforcement. At this critical juncture, comprehensive reforms that address both systemic weaknesses and personnel needs are vital for creating a professional, impartial, and accountable police force capable of upholding the rule of law and ensuring public safety.
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Dr Sazzad Siddiqui, the acting chairman in the peace and conflict studies, is an associate professor in the University of Dhaka.