The stakes are high, and the world is watching. The interim government has the opportunity to set an example for other nations struggling against authoritarianism, writes HM Nazmul Alam
SIX months ago, Bangladesh witnessed a historic transition — the fall of the Awami League’s 16-year autocratic rule through the July revolution of 2024 and the formation of an interim government. The expectations from this government were immense, shaped by the sacrifices of the people who braved bullets, repression, and state-sponsored violence to restore democracy. However, as we cross the six-month mark, the pressing question remains: has this government met the aspirations of the people, or are we witnessing another cycle of stagnation and betrayal?
To understand this moment, we must look at history, literature, and even modern pop culture. Just as George Orwell’sÌýAnimal FarmÌýwarned that revolutions often replace one ruling class with another, we must ask: Is Bangladesh heading towards a similar fate? Are the promises of justice, reform, and change being diluted under the weight of bureaucracy, internal compromises, and self-interest? The answers to these questions will determine whether the July revolution will be remembered as a turning point or a tragic repetition of history.
One of the primary demands of the mass uprising was the exemplary punishment of those responsible for the genocide, crimes against humanity, enforced disappearances, murders, and widespread corruption of the past 16 years. Yet, six months later, the trial process remains sluggish. The absence of meaningful legal proceedings against the perpetrators raises a critical question: Is justice being deliberately delayed?
History offers stark warnings. After the fall of Nazi Germany, the Nuremberg Trials swiftly ensured that those responsible faced justice. In contrast, after the fall of Saddam Hussein’s Ba’ath Party, Iraq struggled with delayed and inconsistent justice, leading to further instability. Bangladesh must decide whether it wishes to follow the path of decisive justice or risk letting impunity embolden those waiting to sabotage the democratic transition.
Moreover, justice must not be selective. There are concerns that some individuals with political connections are escaping scrutiny while only a few scapegoats are being prosecuted. The people of Bangladesh deserve a transparent and fair judicial process, not a compromised version of justice that shields powerful elites. The interim government must ensure that justice is blind and that no one, regardless of their political or economic influence, is above the law.
Hundreds of top Awami League leaders have reportedly fled the country, while many of their accomplices continue to thrive under the interim government. This situation echoes the post-revolutionary chaos seen in series likeÌýNarcos: Mexico, where drug lords slipped through the cracks due to corruption within the very institutions meant to capture them. Similarly, are elements within our state apparatus facilitating the escape of the very criminals the people fought to hold accountable?
The interim government must address these allegations immediately. If the revolution was meant to cleanse the system, why do we see the same players being promoted instead of purged? This contradiction not only weakens faith in the interim government but also raises suspicions of an inside game. The people of Bangladesh did not risk their lives for a mere reshuffling of power; they demanded a complete overhaul of the system.
A disturbing trend over the last six months is the deterioration of law and order. The interim government, instead of restoring stability, appears either incapable or unwilling to counter growing unrest. The phenomenon of vigilante justice, unchecked criminal activity, and an overall sense of lawlessness remind us of Gotham City inÌýThe Dark Knight Rises, where chaos prevails when institutions fail.
One must ask: Who benefits from this lawlessness? Is it a deliberate attempt by elements of the old regime to discredit the interim government? Or is it a consequence of administrative incompetence? Whatever the case, the interim administration must act decisively before anarchy becomes the new normal. The government must prioritise rebuilding trust in law enforcement agencies and ensuring that they are free from political interference.
One of the most frustrating aspects of the interim government’s tenure is the unchecked rise in commodity prices, VAT increases, and economic uncertainty. The fall of the oligarchic syndicates should have led to economic relief, but instead, the cost of living continues to soar. The middle and lower classes, who were the backbone of the revolution, are now bearing the brunt of this economic crisis.
±õ²ÔÌýThe Hunger Games, the overthrow of President Snow was supposed to bring freedom, but District 13’s leadership failed to deliver the prosperity people expected. Bangladesh is at a similar crossroads. If economic hardship continues, public disillusionment could lead to dangerous consequences, including a rejection of the very government that promised change.
The government must take bold measures to regulate market syndicates, curb inflation, and ensure fair wages. The suffering of the middle and lower classes must be addressed before frustration boils over into widespread unrest. Economic reforms must be prioritised to ensure that the benefits of the revolution are felt by all, not just a privileged few.
Despite the sacrifices made during the mass uprising, a complete list of martyrs and proper rehabilitation for the injured remain unfulfilled. Revolutions, when successful, honour their heroes. The United States built memorials for fallen soldiers after its independence. France honoured its revolutionaries. Why, then, is Bangladesh failing to recognise and support those who bled for democracy?
A government born from a people’s movement cannot afford to forget its roots. The lack of progress in acknowledging and compensating the victims of state brutality risks alienating those who fought for change, turning revolutionaries into disillusioned sceptics. The interim government must ensure that the sacrifices of the people are not in vain and that their contributions are remembered and honoured.
The interim government must ensure that justice is ensured in all cases and that propaganda does not replace due process. The people of Bangladesh deserve transparency and accountability, not a government that manipulates the truth to serve its own interests. The media, civil society, and the international community must play a proactive role in holding the interim government accountable. The revolution was fought for democracy, not for another form of authoritarianism disguised as a transitional government.
What we have gained so far is a government that is not a dictatorship, but what we have not gained is meaningful justice, economic relief, or institutional reforms. If the interim government does not act decisively in the next six months, the very revolution that brought it to power could turn against it. The people did not risk their lives for a mere change in leadership; they demanded systemic change.
If the interim government fails to uphold democratic values, enforce justice, and ease the economic burden, it will become just another chapter in the cycle of betrayal. The people of Bangladesh deserve more than that. The time for hesitation is over — the time for action is now. The July revolution was a beacon of hope for millions; it must not be allowed to fade into another tale of unfulfilled promises and broken dreams.
The stakes are high, and the world is watching. Bangladesh has the opportunity to set an example for other nations struggling against authoritarianism. But to do so, it must ensure that the revolution is not betrayed from within. The people of Bangladesh did not risk their lives for a mere change in leadership; they demanded systemic change. The interim government must deliver on that promise or risk being remembered as another failed experiment in the long struggle for democracy.
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HM Nazmul Alam is a lecturer in English and modern languages at the International University of Business, Agriculture and Technology.