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THE democratic integrity of Bangladesh’s electoral process has been under severe strain for over a decade, as noted by multiple international watchdogs. However, one of the most critically overlooked aspects of this decline is the systematic exclusion of persons with disabilities (PWDs) from exercising their constitutional right to vote. Despite ratifying international conventions and enacting domestic legal frameworks, Bangladesh’s policymakers have failed to address the structural and procedural barriers that disenfranchise this already marginalised group. Reviewing a considerable amount of related literature, we, the authors are convinced that the upcoming parliamentary elections must offer an urgent opportunity to initiate concrete reforms aimed at building a truly inclusive electoral democracy. Without a strategic shift, the continued neglect of PWD rights will perpetuate democratic exclusion at an unacceptable scale.

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Chronic exclusion of PWDs from electoral participation

SINCE the 2014 national election, the quality and inclusiveness of Bangladesh’s democratic practices have come under intense scrutiny. While much attention has been given to political violence, intimidation, and lack of transparency, a crucial dimension — the electoral participation of PWDs — remains strikingly underrepresented in policy debates. Reports from the Asian Human Rights Commission, Freedom House, and the International Foundation for Electoral Systems unanimously highlight the disenfranchisement of PWDs as a chronic violation of democratic rights.

The Asian Human Rights Commission reported that PWDs face physical and systemic barriers at every stage of the electoral process. Voting facilities often lack basic accommodations such as ramps, wide doorways, and Braille voting materials. In many cases, polling stations are physically inaccessible, especially for individuals with mobility impairments, including older adults. Despite legal commitments under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), ratified by Bangladesh in 2007, there has been little implementation of accessible voting mechanisms.

According to the Bangladesh Election Commission’s 2019 report, over three million PWDs were registered voters. Yet less than 10 per cent were able to vote independently in the 2018 parliamentary election — a damning statistic that calls into question the authenticity and utility of the data presented. No official electoral body has undertaken a comprehensive plan or provided support services to facilitate the participation of PWDs.

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Structural and legal barriers

THE marginalisation of PWDs from electoral processes in Bangladesh is rooted in structural and legal failings. First and foremost is the absence of accessible voting infrastructure. Most polling centres are ill-equipped to accommodate persons with disabilities. The lack of ramps, signage, tactile paths, or assistive devices creates insurmountable physical obstacles.

Second, the legal instruments designed to safeguard the rights of PWDs remain toothless in the context of electoral participation. Bangladesh’s domestic legislation, including the Rights and Protection of Persons with Disabilities Act (2013), has yet to be operationalized within electoral frameworks. While the Act recognises the rights of PWDs, it does not translate into enforceable mandates during elections. As a result, PWDs lack legal avenues to claim their voting rights, rendering existing protections functionally obsolete.

A third and equally concerning factor is the complete absence of PWD representation in electoral reform dialogues. Since 2014, key policy discussions on electoral integrity have unfolded without meaningful engagement with disability advocacy groups or PWD stakeholders. This invisibility in policymaking has contributed to the continued exclusion and lack of targeted intervention strategies.

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The international disconnect

WHILE Bangladesh is a signatory to several international commitments aimed at ensuring democratic inclusivity, there is a glaring disconnect between global standards and domestic practices. International donors and UN agencies have invested in electoral inclusion elsewhere with measurable success. Yet these global best practices have not been meaningfully adapted in Bangladesh.

The United Nations Development Programme and the International Foundation for Electoral Systems have supported successful inclusion models in countries like India, Mexico, and Australia. India’s ‘Accessible Election’ program, Mexico’s ‘Mobile Voting Units,’ and Australia’s comprehensive accessible voting services stand out as replicable models. These examples illustrate that political will and targeted planning can effectively integrate PWDs into national electoral processes.

Unfortunately, similar efforts in Bangladesh have either failed to materialise or have remained confined to pilot programs with no policy continuity or scale-up. The absence of state-led initiatives, budget allocations, and institutional accountability reveals a troubling apathy towards inclusive democracy.

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2024 election: A landmark of democratic regression

RATHER than addressing these systemic failures, the 2024 parliamentary election rendered worst entrenched exclusion of PWDs. Freedom House and the Asian Human Rights Commission note that the 2024 election was marred not only by political suppression and lack of transparency but also by complete disappearance of PWD participation. No accessible polling stations were created. No public awareness campaigns targeted at PWD inclusion were conducted. We could not evidence any trainings offered to electoral officials on PWD rights or support mechanisms. These conditions were not simple outcome of unwilful omissions but starkest highlight of the absence of political commitment to inclusive elections.

The failures of the past elections undermine not only the spirit of participatory democracy but also Bangladesh’s legal and moral obligations under international human rights instruments. The message is clear: PWDs have always remained an afterthought in previous electoral planning — if considered at all. Now is the high time to revert the past scars of disenfranchising conditions the PWDs have always encountered in practising their democratic rights.

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Towards a strategy of inclusive electoral governance

THE exclusion of PWDs from Bangladesh’s electoral system is not merely a policy oversight — it is a structural injustice. The time has come for a paradigm shift in electoral governance that centres PWDs as rightful stakeholders in the democratic process.

An inclusive electoral strategy must begin with infrastructure. All polling stations should be made physically accessible. Ramps, tactile indicators, wide doorways, and assistive technologies must be standardised. Voting materials must be provided in Braille and audio formats, and mobile voting units must be considered for those with severe mobility limitations.

Second, electoral laws must be amended to include enforceable mandates on PWD inclusion. This includes the requirement for disability representation in electoral committees, reserved quotas for consultation, and legal redress mechanisms for PWDs facing voting barriers.

Third, awareness campaigns must be launched at scale. These should target not only voters but also election officials, political parties, and civil society actors. Education and training must dismantle stigma, promote the dignity of PWDs, and normalise their participation as voters and candidates alike.

Fourth, international collaboration must be revived. Learning from the best practices of India, Mexico, and Australia is essential. These examples show that inclusive elections are both possible and beneficial. Bangladesh must adapt these models within its local context through partnerships with the Election Commission, civil society, and international donors.

Finally, a robust monitoring and evaluation framework must be instituted. This includes collecting disaggregated data on PWD voters, tracking inclusion metrics, and conducting post-election assessments. Accountability must be embedded into the system to prevent backsliding and tokenism.

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Inclusion as a democratic imperative

BANGLADESH stands at a critical juncture. The repeated exclusion of persons with disabilities from electoral processes reveals a deeper erosion of democratic norms. A democracy that marginalises the most vulnerable is neither representative nor legitimate. It is imperative for policymakers, election authorities, and civil society to recognise the urgency of building an inclusive electoral framework.

As the country looks ahead to the 2025 or 2026 national election, a comprehensive, actionable model for PWD inclusion must be prioritised. This is not only a question of legal compliance or international image — it is a question of justice, dignity, and democratic credibility. The right to vote is not a privilege — it is a fundamental right. Every Bangladeshi citizen, regardless of physical or cognitive ability, must be empowered to exercise that right. Only then can Bangladesh claim to be a democracy in the truest sense.

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Dr Helal Mohiuddin is a visiting professor at Montclair State University. Tamanna Rahman is executive director of Coalition of Development Communication Society. Monjur Rashid is a community development activist.