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THE July-August uprising, which courageously stood against the oppressive Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League regime, led to the fall of a government many considered authoritarian. However, this victory came at a tremendous cost, with thousands of lives lost, many of them young protesters who made the ultimate sacrifice. Countless others now face permanent disabilities — losing limbs, sight, and much of their quality of life. Hospitals remain filled with those enduring unbearable pain, and tragically, we continue to hear stories of those who were injured during the protests and have lost their ability to work, leaving their families in severe financial distress.

The interim government has pledged medical and financial support to the injured and the families of the martyrs, and to this end, it has launched the July Smriti Foundation with an initial fund of Tk 100 crore. While this is a commendable initiative, its true success depends on how effectively the funds are managed and disbursed. Already, there are reports of injured individuals still waiting for the promised aid. It is understandable that some delays are inevitable due to necessary verification processes, but time is of the essence for those whose livelihoods depend on this support.

While caring for the injured and the families of those who died during the movement is essential, it is equally important to hold accountable those responsible for these tragic events. Among the interim government’s key mandates, the promise to bring the perpetrators of the July-August massacre to justice stands out. In line with this, the government has begun reforming the International Crimes Tribunal to initiate trials against those involved in the violence.

However, disturbing reports have emerged that several key figures involved in the violence, including Obaidul Kader, Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, Mohammad Ali Arafat, Hasan Mahmud, and Shamim Osman, fled the country more than a month after the interim government assumed power. Additionally, the whereabouts of the former chiefs of the Detective Branch and Special Branch of the police, Harun-or-Rashid and Monirul Islam, remain unknown, suggesting that they too may have fled after August 5. These issues raise several troubling questions: How did they manage to escape? Was there any investigation into their disappearance? More suspiciously, why has the government remained silent on this matter, especially when bringing these figures to justice was one of its core promises?

Thus far, the government has offered no satisfactory explanations, leading many to question its sincerity in fulfilling its mandate. Meanwhile, arrests of certain figures who apparently had little connection to the atrocities have further intensified public suspicion about the interim government’s true motives. These developments cast serious doubts on the administration’s commitment to justice. If the primary culprits have already fled, what purpose will the ICT reforms serve? Who will be tried at the ICT? How meaningful would a trial in absentia be? Is the government truly serious about pursuing justice, or are there internal challenges that the interim government is grappling with in regard to apprehending the main culprits?

Unfortunately, the student leaders who led the July-August uprising have also been conspicuously silent on this issue. They were busy organising rallies across the country to establish connections with the masses while their need to hold the interim government accountable for being unable to apprehend the key culprits fell through the cracks. Equally frustrating has been the role of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, the main opposition to the now-discredited Awami League. Despite several public gatherings to demonstrate its popular support, the BNP leadership has remained noticeably silent on the escape of those responsible for the violence — silence that risks being interpreted as indifference to the martyrs’ sacrifices.

With the Awami League effectively absent from the political stage, the BNP has a rare opportunity to step into the power vacuum. From its public statements, it is clear that the BNP now expects to take the reins of government once elections are held. However, for a party that aims to win democratic legitimacy, its leadership seems oddly disconnected from the sentiments of the people. As the de facto largest political party in the country, the BNP bears the responsibility of publicly condemning the escape of key figures behind the July-August massacre. But we are yet to witness any conspicuous effort from the BNP leadership to press the interim government for accountability and demand answers. It should also consider including justice for the victims of the July-August tragedy as a central part of its election manifesto. If the BNP wishes to avoid the perception of apathy towards the bloodshed, it must act swiftly. Failing to do so risks the party being seen not as a true alternative but as another entity detached from the people’s struggles.

A failure to bring the culprits to justice would not only be a betrayal of the martyrs’ sacrifice but also set a dangerous precedent. It would signal that those responsible for heinous acts can evade accountability. In such a society, the public’s faith in the judicial system would erode, and people might feel compelled to take justice into their own hands. We have already seen the manifestation of this frustration in recent cases of mob justice, where citizens deprived of legal recourse have resorted to violence to address perceived wrongs.

Finally, if the interim government fails to act decisively, it risks alienating the very people whose blood brought about this revolution. The nation will not tolerate any betrayal of the martyrs’ sacrifice. The interim government should remember that justice must not only be promised — it must also be delivered swiftly and transparently before the people’s trust is lost forever.

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Dr Anup Raihan is a Bangladeshi-born economist based in the US.