THE anti-discrimination movement went peacefully with processions and rallies from July 1 to July 13. The reaction of students to the ‘razakars’ comment of the prime minister on July 14 and the subsequent violence unleashed by the Student League, the student auxiliary of the ruling government, and the police raised the temperature of the protest movement. The cold-blooded killing of Abu Sayeed, the brave vanguard of the protest, ignited the powder keg. The government closed all educational institutions, including universities, colleges, and schools, beginning on July 17 to crush the increasingly intense movement. The Internet was shut down on July 18, and all public transportation was closed. The Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), a paramilitary force, was deployed on July 16 in Dhaka, Gazipur, Chattogram, Bogura, Rangpur, and Rajshahi. Two days later, on July 18, BGB’s strength increased to 229 platoons. A curfew was imposed the next day (July 19, Friday midnight), and armed forces were deployed. As the protest continued defying the shoot-at-sight order, the entire Bangladesh turned into a war zone.
There had been a relative calm from July 23 after the Supreme Court reduced quotas from 56 per cent to 7 per cent. The protesters suspended the movement for two days, the internet resumed, and the suspension was extended to July 28. In the meantime, police detained six student coordinators — Nahid Islam, Sarjis Alam, Hasnat Abdullah, Asif Mahmud, Abu Baker Mazumder, and Nusrat Tabassum. The Detective Branch officers, known for notoriety, forced them to sign a letter on July 28 declaring the termination of the movement. However, the alternate leadership announced the continuation of the protests. So, demonstrations, rallies, and blockades resumed with intensity and vigour on July 29. The powder keg, indeed, had been ignited. By August 2, the death toll at the time, reported by the media, rose to more than 400, including many police being killed and nearly a hundred police stations being burnt. The national TV station, metro rail stations, toll booths of elevated expressways, and government buildings were damaged or burnt.
The movement’s demands underwent a few transformations as time passed. First, it was a quota reform movement; then, it was a nine-point demand asking the prime minister to apologise publicly and fire the ministers responsible for atrocities; finally, on August 3, Nahid Islam announced at Shahid Minar a one-point demand that the prime minister resign.
August 4 turned into a pivotal, bloody Sunday. Over one hundred people lost their lives, including several police officers, in pitched battles in various areas of Dhaka and other cities. Student League, Youth League, and Volunteer League, with the help of police, Rab, and BGB, unleashed a reign of terror — no one had ever seen in the entire history of Bangladesh. In defiance, masses from all sectors of society joined the protestors. The temperature of resistance went up through the roof. Many private homes of Awami League leaders were set on fire. The protest leaders declared a march on August 6 to seize the prime minister’s palace. But it was moved to August 5, a day earlier.Ìý
Three important events took place on August 4. The army chief, General Waker-uz-Zaman, convened a meeting of the officer core and skilfully reached a consensus decision that armed forces would not shoot at the demonstrators. He made a public announcement of his decision. On the same day, the former army chief, General Iqbal Karim Bhuiyan, declared his support for the movement on behalf of retired army officers in a news conference. Moreover, retired armed service officers and their families, including children, organised processions in the DOHS (Defence Officer Housing Scheme) colonies, chanting slogans and carrying placards supporting the movement. These three events were the game changers! These put the final nails in the coffin of the authoritarian regime of Sheikh Hasina. The next day, on August 5, she fled to India before the marchers reached the prime minister’s palace. To crush the protest, Hasina used helicopters, armoured personnel carriers (APC) with the UNO logo, and assault rifles, used in wars for the first time in the history of Bangladesh. She deployed armed forces, Border Guard Bangladesh, Rapid Action Battalion, and Ansar. The chain of ruthless actions perpetrated by Hasina crossed the record of the heinous massacre of the Jallianwala Bagh. It seemed like a war zone. But nothing worked. Hasina had to flee in disgrace and dishonour.
I hope autocrats and would-be autocrats of the world will learn a lesson that however brutal and powerful you are, you can’t win against a popular uprising that expresses extreme social discontent.
To be continued.
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Dr Mostofa Sarwar, scientist and poet, is professor emeritus at the University of New Orleans. He was dean, provost and vice-chancellor of Delgado Community College and served as the visiting professor and adjunct faculty of the University of Pennsylvania.
